Are we Obsessed with Michel Aoun?

By Joseph El-Khoury

The idea for this piece came to me following a number of accusations levelled at writers on this blog but also more generally at anyone who criticises or opposes the general. At the risk of sounding pedantic I will remind our readers that obsession, clinically, is not a term to be used lightly. In fact it is a very specific type of thought characterised by discomfort, involuntary recurrence and the generation of anxiety if resisted. So, apart from exceptional clinical cases, I suspect that neither supporters nor opponents of the general are ‘obsessed’ with him; a better word would be ‘preoccupied’. This preoccupation is built around the notion that he is central to events currently shaping the country’s future.

Indeed Aoun has worked hard to place himself at the centre of political developments between 1988 and 1990 then again since his return from exile in 2005. Love him or loathe him, the general has already reserved his place in Lebanese history. This over personalisation, not uncommon in Lebanese politics (Bachir Gemayel, Moussa El Sadr and more recently Rafik Hariri and Hassan Nasrallah) has become the norm over the past few years. In my discussions with his supporters I am left with the impression that they regard him as a guiding light and a father figure. Poems addressed or dedicated to him on the Tayyar’s website also reveal a messianic adoration among a hardcore group of believers. But these facts tell us more about sections of the Christian community than it does about Aoun, although interestingly he has not attempted to discourage this type of behaviour. To the contrary, his interaction with his subordinates reveals an omnipotent chieftain who prefers to surround himself with courtesans rather than cultivate an atmosphere of critical accountability within his own party. The Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) seems to operate democratically among the lower and middle echelons with Aoun’s leadership immune from normal organisational processes. In adopting, by choice or otherwise, this model of absolute enlightened leadership for himself he should also readily accept the drawbacks; for every personal praise will be mirrored by a personal attack.

Among the March 14th Media, the online NowLebanon has proved itself particularly virulent in its personal attacks, despite a veneer of editorial sophistication. Concerned by the general’s appeal among large sections of the population, particularly women and the youth, the unashamedly pro-American website launched a systematic campaign aimed at damaging Aoun’s image. In January of this year they released a lengthy report rich in facts and figures, illustrated with fancy charts and colourful photography that claimed to inform the public about the Free Patriotic Movement and its leader. The report had a limited distribution and more importantly did not reach its intended audience, those who were least likely to turn to NowLebanon for information. Objectively the report was a departure from the usual cheap rhetoric and an attempt at providing quantifiable evidence of one’s argument. If true, the revelations clearly established that Michel Aoun and his inner circle were no different from those they sought to overthrow. Alas, the trend was short-lived. Soon after, a number of writers from various related publications resorted again to the lyrical use of expressions such as ‘madness’ and ‘mental instability’ to describe the general’s behaviour. Not satisfied with lay local opinions on the subject matter they recently enlisted the help of a certain French psychoanalyst who writes for a commercial publication in Nice (France) and is sold to us as an ‘expert’ on Lebanon. In an exclusive, the analyst Jean Luc Vannier was asked to comment on a video clip released by the FPM following the latest Lebanese elections. Through the skilled use of Psychoanalytical Jargon, Vannier masks what is essentially a misleading political opinion rather than a scientific one. Aoun is described as bordering on the ‘psychotic’ and suffering from a ‘megalomaniac delusion’. While I question its use to explain Aoun the man, the video itself is worth commenting on. It draws absurd and simplistic parallels between various historical figures (Marie Curie, Mahatma Ghandi) that, misunderstood for many years, made exceptional contributions to the human experience. Among this already random mix emerges a Michel Aoun opposed by the small minded and the ignorant. The makers of the film could be suspected of ‘psychosis’ only if Robert Fisk had not drawn similar parallels between Aoun, Ahmadinajjad and Kaddafi in an Independent article during the Iranian election crisis. Scale and proportionality are lacking in both examples.

Personally, I might object to the general’s behaviour, positions and discourse but I am radically against the cheap use of mental illness and irrationality to make up for weak political arguments. Whether Michel Aoun is mad or irrational is irrelevant when he commands the respect and loyalty of millions. Indeed if he was to be proven mad one day, his opponents should bury their heads in shame for having failed, in their rationality, to defeat the general in the hearts and minds of many Lebanese.

Read More...

Summary only...

Aisha Bakkar 2009: The Warning Signs

By Joseph El-Khoury

The recent street battles in the district of Aisha Bakkar followed a series of celebratory display of fire power by the fans of the speaker of Parliament Nabeeh Berri and the supporters of newly appointed Prime Minister Saad Hariri. Both factions had been at it in the past but these clashes had a special flavour. Not only did they come after a period of pre-electoral truce but they also resulted in the death of an innocent 30 year old mother of five. The casualty, Zeina el Miri, was a Lebanese national of Kurdish background and a Haret Hreyk resident. In the chaos that gripped this crowded Beirut neighbourhood it is unclear who shot her and how. Nonetheless, the late Zeina being Sunni her death was obviously capitalised on by the Sunni faction involved in these clashes. Less than 24 hours later, her body was being carried by young men through the streets of Beirut wrapped in an Islamic Flag, incidentally also the flag of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The symbolism in the choice of flag was not lost on everyone; the sectarian conflict is well underway in Lebanon and has stopped surprising. I mentioned a few months ago that the Sunni-Shia confrontation has in fact been relentless, but reinvents itself by taking a variety of forms that prevent it from degenerating into all-out-war just yet. The internal bickering among Christian political forces has so far served as a buffer, allowing a proxy political debate of some sorts, which culminated in the recent parliamentary elections.

Now that these have re-generated almost identical conditions, plus or minus a few MPs here and there, the tight balance between the communities is only maintained by regional consensus. As is common in the Middle East, this consensus is volatile and has the potential to disintegrate at any point in time. The Christian ‘buffer’ is unlikely to be a permanent fixture. While there is little risk of them being dragged into direct armed confrontation, isolating themselves from the consequences is not an option either. Despite years of civil war, Lebanon’s sects still reside in interwoven networks of neighbourhoods and villages. The separation was never complete given the size and the landscape of the country. This proximity is a source of hope for a more integrated future but in the current climate also a powder keg. In that Walid Joumblat’s astute efforts to neutralise the impact on his own sect, the Druze, might prove futile.

The sectarian leadership has proven once again that it is neither willing nor able to dampen the tension on the streets. In a scenario reminiscent of 1974-75, he army finds itself a ‘peacekeeping’ force with limited mandate and only intervenes after blood has been shed. Bab El Tebbaneh-Jabal Mohsen, Tareek El jdeede and now Aisha Bakkar. The flashpoints multiply within a stone throw from the more affluent areas where business continues as normal.The behaviour of Nabih Berri and Saad Hariri following the events was laden with hypocrisy. Akin to tribal chieftains they made a few phone calls to re-establish order and pacify the hearts. The profiles of the two leaders couldn’t be more different. One a veteran self made warlord, the other the 39 year old heir of a politico-financial dynasty. At first glance, Berry has the experience of backstreet politics but might be reluctant to engage his ally Hezbollah in another tactical suicide in Beirut. Hariri on the other hand, having no doubt learned the lessons of May 7th 2008, when his supporters suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of the Amal-Hezbollah, is likely to surround himself with advisors with ‘civil war’ qudos. This mentality on both sides is in direct contradiction to the ‘spirit of the statehood’ that they invoke in their speeches.

All is not well in the country of the Cedars. The taboos are falling, slowly but convincingly and a generation of militiamen is being bred under our eyes. The path to war is not yet irreversible but to ignore the warning signs amounts to criminal negligence.

Read More...

Summary only...

جاد المالح ومأساة مسرحية مناهضة التطبيع

خالد برّاج

لست على دراية كافية بخلفية جاد المالح الفكرية والسياسية ولست واثقاً من الروايات المتعلِقة بدعمه المطلق أو المشروط لجيش الدفاع الإسرائيلي ومشاركته ببرامج ترويجية خاصة بوزارة الدفاع الإسرائيلية، لكني تابعت ما حصل في الآونة الأخيرة من خلال الحملات الإعلامية اللبنانية المنتقدة (وخصوصاً تلفزيون المنار) لاستضافة هذا الفكاهي الفرنسي "المغربي اليهودي" الأصل خلال ثلاث حفلات ضمن فعاليات مهرجانات بيت الدين المقرّرة خلال صيف 2009، وهذا الأمر استوقفني أو أعادني إلى الماضي من خلال عدّة محطات أو حوادث شبيهة هي بالأصل ذو علاقة وثيقة بموضوع اليهود واليهودية وإسرائيل والصهيونية ومكافحتها...
الحادثة الأولى حصلت عام 1998، تاريخ الذكرى الخمسين لنكبة فلسطين، وكانت مجموعة من المثقفين اللبنانيين قد حدّدت نشاطات متفرِقة متعلِقة بالنكبة ودعت إليها مجموعة كبيرة من المثقفين من مختلف أرجاء العالم ومن ضمنهم بعض الكتاب والمفكرين اليهود المعروفين بعدائهم للصهيونية ودولة إسرائيل، إلاَ أنّ بعض الأحزاب في لبنان ومن ضمنها حزبٌ علماني عريق يجاهر بعلمانيته في شتّى المناسبات شنّ حملةٍ عشواء على منظّمي فعاليات ذكرى نكبة 48 ووصفهم بالصهاينة ومضلَلي الرأي العام حتى وصل الأمر ببعض "الرفاق" في الحزب العلماني بتوجيه تهديدات مباشرة بالقتل إلى المنظّمين وصولاً إلى الوعد علناً وعلى مسمع من الصحافة والإعلام بتفجير مقر إقامة النشاطات في حال حضور هؤلاء الكتاب والمفكّرين... طبعاً انتهى الموضوع بعدم حضورهم إلى بيروت خوفاً من أن ينفِذ "العلمانيون" ما وعدوا به لكنّ سمير قصير بقلمه وجرأته المعهودة أبى أن يسكت عن هكذا أمر ووصف ما حدث في مقالٍ شهير في جريدة النهار عنوَنه : "مدّعو قوميةٍ ما".
الحادثة الثانية حصلت في نفس العام ولا دخل لها لا من قريب ولا من بعيد بالموضوع الفلسطيني وذكرى النكبة ومسرحها كان كافيتريا المبنى الموحّد للجامعة اللبنانية حيث أصدر مجلس الطلاب المكوّن بغالبيته من محازبي ومناصري حزب الله قراراً بمنع بثّ أغاني فيروز في الكافيتريا، وعندما قام بعض الطلاب بالاستفسار عن الموضوع فوجئوا بردٍ واضح من قبل مجلس الطلاب مفاده أنّ أغاني فيروز تثير الغرائز الجنسية عند الطلبة! لكن الطلاب أعادوا مرةً ثانية استيضاح مجلس الطلاب حول هذا الموضوع غير مصدِقين ما سمعوه في المرة الأولى، إنّما الردّ جاء هذه المرّة عنيفاً وعلى لسان أحد مسؤولي الحزب في الجامعة متّهماً الطلاب بعدم الالتفات إلى دراستهم وتحصيلهم العلمي والانهماك والانشغال عوضاً عن ذلك بالأمور التي يحرِمها الدين إضافةً إلى الاستماع إلى ألحانٍ موسيقية هي أساساً غربية يهودية!
الحادثة الثالثة وقعت عام 2006 وعلى أثر انتهاء العدوان الإسرائيلي على لبنان، بدأت الوفود العربية وغيرها بزيارة لبنان والاطّلاع على الدمار و الخراب الذي خلّفته الهمجية الإسرائيلية في معظم المناطق اللبنانية، و كانت المحطّة الأساسية (إضافةً إلى بلدات الجنوب) هي الضاحية الجنوبية لمدينة بيروت حيث نالت النصيب الأوفر من الصواريخ والقذائف الإسرائيلية حيث ظنّت القيادة الإسرائيلية أنّها ومن خلال تكثيفها لحدّة القصف تستطيع اغتيال السيِد حسن نصرالله والقضاء بشكلٍ أساسي على البنى الداخلية الخاصة بالحزب... إلاّ أنّ النتيجة أثبتت عكس ذلك و جاءت الوفود العربية لمعاينة الضاحية الجنوبية ومن ضمنها وفدٌ قطري رفيع المستوى ضمّ رئيس الوزراء وشخصيات أخرى، وتمّ استقبال الوفد من قبل قيادة حزب الله بالترحيب والتهليل ودخل الوفد إلى الضاحية الجنوبية كدخول صلاح الدين الأيوبي إلى مدينة القدس على أثر هزيمة ريكاردوس قلب الأسد وتناسى الجميع أنّ أبنية وطرقات الضاحية الجنوبية قد دمّرتها الصواريخ الذكية وغيرها من القذائف والصواريخ التّي قامت الولايات المتحدة بتزويدها بشكلٍ يومي إلى جيش الدفاع الإسرائيلي عن طريق قاعدتها في دولة قطر!!!
الحادثة الرابعة حديثة العهد وهي من العام الماضي حيث منعت السلطات اللبنانية عرض الفيلم الإسرائيلي "فالس مع بشير" إضافةً إلى منع استيراد أقراص الـ"دي في دي" الخاصة بالفيلم وذلك وفقاً للأنظمة والقوانين اللبنانية المتعلِقة بمكافحة ومنع دخول البضائع الإسرائيلية إلى الأراضي اللبنانية، إلاّ أنّ المستغرب هو الكميّة الهائلة من أقراص الـ "دي في دي" المقرصنة الخاصة بهذا الفيلم والتي بيعت في السوق وكان مصدرها واحد يقع ضمن مناطق سيطرة حزب الله ... وحيث أنّ الفيلم يسلِط الضوء على مجزرة صبرا و شاتيلا والمنفِذ أيّ الطرف اللبناني (القوات اللبنانية)، و بما أنّ هذا الطرف اللبناني على نقيض وصراع سياسي واضح مع حزب الله ومن المجدي سياسياً التذكير الدائم بماضيه "الإجرامي و العميل" فلا مانع من نسخ الفيلم وبيع نسخ مقرصنة عنه غير آبهين بالإنتاج الإسرائيلي لهذا الفيلم مغلِبين منطق مكيافيلي الشهير: "الغاية تبرِر الوسيلة"!ختاماً أعود و أكرِر ما قلته في بداية المقال، إنّني لست على دراية كافية بخلفية جاد المالح الفكرية والسياسية ولست واثقاً من الروايات المتعلِقة بدعمه المطلق.. لكن بالتأكيد فإنّ برنامج جاد المالح و"قفشاته" الفكاهية في مهرجانات بيت الدين لكانت أقلّ ضرراً ودماراً وقتلاً من الصواريخ الذكية الآتية عن طريق دولة قطر أو أكثر إنسانية من العصبيات العنصرية والفاشية الصادرة عن هؤلاء "مدّعي قوميةٍ ما" الممانعين في أزقّة وخبايا شارع الحمراء.

Read More...

Summary only...

Swine Flu: The Egyptian Method

By Joseph El-Khoury

I was not surprised by the last April decision of the Egyptian government to slaughter 300.000 pigs in response to the Swine Flu epidemics (now officially branded a pandemic). What else would you expect from a government that uses religious zeal when it suits its interests and denounces it when brandished by its opponents. Let us not forget that it was the ‘secular’ regime of Mubarak and not the radical Muslim Brotherhood that imprisoned the blogger Abdel Kareem Nabil Suleiman for anti-religious comments.

The move was clearly motivated by religious prejudice and possibly, according to some commentators, by ulterior motives of a social and financial nature. There was no scientific justification for it and no other country, including those with Muslim majorities, followed suit. The United Nations condemned the move as a ‘mistake’ and even went through the effort of relabeling the virus as A(H1NI) to prevent confusion as to the mode of transmission. But no one in Cairo was listening. A few weeks later the UK media were outraged at the treatment of a British family holidaying in Egypt. Mum, dad and the children were quarantined under armed guard for merely having Mexican stamps on their passport from a recent holiday. The Egyptian public, reassured by the highly visible measures put in place by their authorities, were led into a false sense of security. That is until earlier this month the Health Minister, Hatem El-Gabali, confirmed that the first case of H1N1 was diagnosed in an American girl of Egyptian origin. A few days later other cases were confirmed at the American University Hall of Residence in Cairo as well as in the coastal city of Alexandria. The Minister did not mention pigs, local or foreign, and seemed to emphasise that his government was working in line with the WHO and introducing monitoring measures similar to ones already tested on an international level. Finally some reasonable behaviour; but how do you reverse a myth when you are responsible for spreading it in the first place? Reading excerpts from GlobalVoicesonline it seems that the mindset of some in the Egyptian Blogosphere has not shifted. Talk of cleanliness (again in a religious context) and ‘Terror and Panic’ is rife, mixing information on the discovery of cases of Bubonic Plague in nearby Libya (A bacterial disease communicated through flea bites associated with rodents) with the spread of Influenza A (H1N1) which is an Airborne virus transmitted in the Air by coughs and sneezes in addition to other human bodily secretions.

Obviously the pandemic is to be taken seriously as the winter months will reveal its full extent and severity. In addition, the Egyptian reaction can be understood in the context of the effect of ‘Bird Flu’ in 2006 which they struggled to contain and which caused the death of around 70 in the country. But what the Egyptian people deserve is a response driven by International scientific consensus, not by superstition and a political agenda. One would expect the educated blogosphere to be pressing for such an approach instead of dowsing off to the ‘Opium of the People’.

Read More...

Summary only...