Showing posts with label Lebanon. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lebanon. Show all posts

Monday, 18 August 2008

The Fundamentalist Waltz

By Joseph El-Khoury

As a generally peace loving individual I should rejoice over the signing today of a mutual non-aggression understanding between two feuding factions in Lebanon. But I am not!

So Hezbollah and the 15 or so Salafist (read Sunni hard-liners) groups have finally agreed to settle their theological and ideological differences through ‘rational’ dialogue as opposed to Rocket Propelled Grenades. It took dozens of casualties to get to this point and the fact that the Salafists couldn’t find enough in common between them to join hands under one banner should be enough to predict the chances of success. Can a duly signed sheet of paper resist the instinctive fundamentalist urges to eliminate any discordance through fire and steel? Even putting my cynical attitude to one side the answer is still a resounding No!

But even if it did work, I will still be far from happy. It is hard to feel part of such a historic moment where One Muslim decides not to spill the blood of another Muslim…when one is not a Muslim. In fact I should probably be more concerned. For when spilling someone’s blood seems to be the only way forward in the struggle against Zionism and Imperialism a simple statistical calculation will make it obvious that this blood is more likely to be mine now than it was last week.

On a practical level the choice of interlocutor puts the strategy of the resistance to the test. Once committed to reassuring the Christian Street it revelled in the assertion by its Aounist Allies that the real threat came from Sunni extremists lurking behind the respectable façade of Hariri’s Future (Al-Mustaqbal) Movement. While the latest evidence from Tripoli confirms that on a local level these groups might have at least cooperated if not fused militarily, the signature of the accord with Hezbollah gives the impression that the Salafists are now on an equal footing with the Shiite group. A fact that will not escape its secular detractors but more importantly the Christian electorate in the run-up to the 2009 parliamentary elections.

Reflecting further, it seems this agreement is a reminder of a time when killing a goat belonging to one tribe might get you into serious trouble but slaughtering the entire herd of another tribe was considered OK for some strange reason only understandable to a few elders. Morality had nothing to do with it but prejudice, hierarchy, kinship did. Centuries of philosophical soul searching, Enlightened Monarchies, nationalist movements, Socialist revolutions, Liberal Reform have led to a Tribal gathering held by a small number of bearded men in an obscure Hotel.

I despair! Call me Old fashioned but I am hoping for a return to a basic universal civil contract that guarantees my human rights as a citizen of a modern state.

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Tuesday, 12 August 2008

Home Is Where The Heart Is

By Marwan Madi*



“A wise traveler never despises his home country”
William Hazlitt

To my loved ones, especially my mother and sister:

As the plane took off from Heathrow airport on that hot July day, I couldn’t stop thinking of what I might have left behind in Beirut . My DC pad keys? Heaven forbid my passport? Soon, Patti Griffin’s “Long Ride Home” playing on my ipod brought back memories of a part of me that got lost between business meetings and travels, and failed relationships. It was hard to push away the bittersweet thoughts of a land that helped shape who I am. Memories of war, shelters, hatred, disappointment, despair, and broken hearts came crawling back though strangely enough they were overshadowed by memories of laughter, love, family, and friends, weddings and baptisms, and funerals. The long ride to Washington opened the door for much thinking and an emotional walk down memory lane.

I remembered that accidental email I received ten years back from a now estranged friend informing me of the death of my uncle in a car accident. I reckon seeing my uncle a few months before I left Lebanon when he came to wish me a safe trip to the Lone Star State . A few years later, dad calls to tell me that my grandfather had died. By 2005, I hadn’t visited my family in almost five years. I was on the road all the time, so I had a lot of excuses. I wasn’t there when my brother and sister graduated. I wasn’t there when my close friends got married. I’ve missed many things in my life because of this self-centered belief that so many people depended on me to get the job done and done right.

Over the past decade, distance has always been a big thing for me. Not just physical distance, but emotional distance. And if you’re emotionally distant from people, especially those you’re romantically involved with, they eventually leave. I didn’t have time to argue against breaking-up back then and more so I didn’t care, I had me. That was enough.

Sometimes, it takes bad news to get real and that’s exactly what happened in 2006. It was the kind of non-fatal bad news that hits a family member; the kind that tells you:”wake up, you have another chance”. Suddenly you realize how much they mean to you and how much your life depends on them; strange feeling when you live so far away, yet so true.

The two weeks I spent in Lebanon this summer were not much different from what I expected them to be. It was the same old stories about politics, corruption, and sectarianism. Expect well, I was there for a reason. I came to Lebanon to attend my best friend’s wedding and meet my sister’s significant other. I came to listen to my father nag about cost of living; I came to see my brother’s new pad. I sat in my mother’s kitchen everyday for lunch and dinner talking about family. I came to debate politics with my sister’s boyfriend through the wee hours of the morning. I came to listen to the same old stories that made me laugh a decade ago, and well, they still do. I came to hit the club scene in Beirut so I could complain about the vanity of the happy few in Lebanon afterwards.

As the plane landed in Washington late into the night and was welcomed home away from home, I had already started to make travel plans for Christmas and I anticipate to be back home several times in 2009 for various event.

It never occurred to me to think once that life is here and now. But this is it, no return or exchange policies, and no second chances for the time wasted, but perhaps opportunities to learn.

So where do I go from here, well, I’m pretty sure there’s going to be more of the same business trips, maybe a serious relationship, and a whole lotta laughing and eating around that kitchen table up on the hills of Mount Lebanon overlooking the Mediterranean.


*Marwan Madi is Lebanese. He has lived in the US where he works in Consultancy for most of the past decade. He writes on Lebanese politics and the interface between various cultures from a personal perspective.

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Wednesday, 30 July 2008

Do not Free the Lebanese in Syrian jails! An (Arab) Democratic Appeal

By Jihad Bitar


Yes, this is an open letter through Arabdemocracy.com to all Lebanese and Syrian politicians. Please do not free the Lebanese in Syrian jails, and this for many reasons:

1- They are not important (Michel Aoun during his joint interview with Hassan Nassrallah last year, said that this was not a major issue…and those in jail for fighting for Aoun – while he was hiding in a French embassy- should I think kill themselves out of shame).

2- They are guilty…Yes, they are guilty of being anti-Syrian, they should be hanged…this is how Arab Democracy should be.

3- They love torture …no doubt about that, if they did not love being tortured they wouldn’t have chosen to (Arab) democratically go to jail.

4- They are getting free diet sessions (one prisoner who was released last year recalled how he got 1 potato – rass batata – a day).

5- They are anti democratic. If in Syrian jail, that must be because they are against the Arab Syrian Democratic Republic!

6- They simply do not exist – Sayyed Hassan Nassrallah in his celebration speech for Samir Quntar, listed the Resistance’s next objectives: and Lebanese in Syrian jails did not make the list... Lebanese citizen Sayyed Hassan set the freedom of 4 Iranian diplomats in Israeli jails as an objective, rather than those Lebanese prisoners; that must be because they do not exist.

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Thursday, 17 July 2008

It’s the economy… stupid!

By Bassem Hassan

Picture: AFP / Getty

First and foremost, I should thank/apologize to Bill Clinton*- or more appropriately his brilliant campaign chief James Carville- for stealing their 1992 US presidential campaign slogan and using it as a title for my article.
Having said this, I should clarify that this is not an article about the former or even current American presidential campaign.
Finally, I should tell you what this article is actually about. It is about everyone’s favorite topic: Hizbullah! And make no mistake, it is everyone’s favorite topic. If you don’t believe me, just check the number of comments any article that mentions the word Hizbullah receives on this site. In fact, if you want your article read by a lot of people, just plant the word Hizbullah at several key points throughout your article and enjoy the response and the popularity it brings with it! But I digress.
What, you may ask, does Bill Clinton’s 1992 campaign slogan have to do with the controversial Lebanese movement? Good question.
A lot in fact. A major question that surrounds Hizbullah is why is it so popular? Almost every analysis you read- generally by us self-styled intellectuals of every ideological color, shape or form- concentrates on one (and occasionally both) of two main arguments.

The first is what I shall call the argument from theology. This tends to be the argument of those who are either right of center and know it, or who are right of center but haven’t realized it yet (for example the Decoratic Left Movement, as Dr. Samah Idriss so eloquently calls it). The argument goes something like this: Hizbullah binds its followers by a bond of theological allegiance to the concept of “Wilayat al Faqih” which- as those intellectuals put it- dictates obedience to the Theologian-King (e.g. the Supreme Leader in Iran), the self-claimed representative of the 12th Shia Imam (i.e. Al-Mahdi) whose return the majority of Shia are thought to eagerly await. Please note that it is rather likely that the Supreme Leader himself is not terribly eager for Al-Mahdi to return, since that would mean the end of his own supremacy… but again, I digress. Add this formidable spiritual bond to the traditional “minoritarian” thinking of the Lebanese secterian mind et Voila: the magic potion that endears Hizbullah to its Shia base. Problem solved. Liberal thinker go home happy!Ridiculous! Cries the leftist intellectual- at least of the sort still stuck in 1973 or thereabouts and glued to different chairs of various communist party committees. Stuff and nonsense! They counter with what I shall refer to as the argument from dignity. Hizbullah is supported by its base because of its formidable resistance to the Zionist enemy and its military victories over occupation. These victories have restored dignity to the nation and offered hope that the eternal armed struggle shall defeat the enemy and liberate the holy land (in which case it would of course cease to be eternal). Viva la Revolucion! This hope for a dignified future free of occupation and oppression by the Zionist gang and its imperial masters is what guarantees the allegiance of the masses to what is- au fond- a working class liberation movement. And that’s that. Time for leftist intellectual to resume paperwork on behalf of the disenfranchised.
So, this is the gist of what you usually read- or more horrifyingly- watch on Arabic sattelite channels during the course of “political talk shows”. Brrrrrrrrrrr!
You almost never hear these analysts ask themselves the simple question of why people actually support anyone. And that’s where Bill Clinton- or rather his brilliant slogan- comes in. Yes, people want to live in dignity and freedom. But that usually starts by having a place to live in and meal to eat. It starts by not having to choose between dinner and sending your kids to school. It starts by having paved roads to facilitate economic and social life. It starts by having access to water and electricity to wash your clothes and keep clean. It starts by earning your living through your own labour.
In other words, it starts with the sort of dignity that the Lebanese political system has not only failed to offer to the people of the south since independence, but in fact purposefully denied them. That is the sort of dignity that Hizbullah has been systematically offering people in the south of Lebanon and Beirut’s southern suburbs since the early nineties. And that is exactly why the old Hizbullah of the early eighties- despite “Wilayat Al-Faqih” and despite heroic resistance to occupation- was almost universally loathed and feared, even among the Shia. They learned their lesson very quickly, and with ruthless efficiency: the route to people’s hearts and minds passes through their pockets. And once you have their hearts and minds, you become invincible.
There is probably no better demonstration of this fact than the aftermath of the 33-day war whose anniversary we are celebrating this week. Witness what happened to the reconstruction efforts run by the Lebanese government (i.e. dismal failure, highway robbery, and disgraceful secterian hate-mongering) and contrast that with what Hizbullah succeeded in doing (temporary apartments, a higher rate of restoration, small scale corruption and, by-and-large, even handedness). All that with significantly less money one must note.

So there-in lies their secret. Hizbullah delivers. Not only on its political and military promises, but more importantly, more fundamentally, on the promise that “its people” will live in dignity…of the sort that actually counts when you wake up every morning.

Notes to the article:
* William Jefferson "Bill" Clinton (born William Jefferson Blythe III on August 19, 1946) served as the forty-second President of the United States from 1993 to 2001.

A propos, here’s a joke for the Arabic speakers among you: Bill Clinton wu shrab mayytoh!

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Friday, 11 July 2008

The July War 2006 in Information Design

By Bachir Habib


33, is the number of days it took to implement a new Middle Eastern equation. On the 13th of July, only one day after Hezbollah kidnapped two Israeli soldiers in Northern Israel, behind the so called “Blue Line”, Israel declared an open war on Lebanon. Hezbollah called its operation “The Truthful Promise” and Hezbollah secretary general Hassan Nasrallah declared that its goal was to capture Israeli soldiers in order to exchange them with Lebanese prisoners in Israel. Two years after a war that devastated large parts of the country in just 33 days, Hezbollah is proving he is standing by his promise as we stand days away from the release of Lebanese prisoners in Israel.
Very few books have been released so far on this conflict and its outcome. But in the months and years to come this topic will become of high interest to Geo-strategists and Historians. In the meantime this war was also a source of inspiration in the artistic sphere. Pamela Hraoui, a Lebanese student of Information Design at Central Saint Martins College of Arts and Design in London decided to use the theme for her Masters project.
In her book titled 33, with a pitch black cover, Hraoui’s concept is articulated in three different movements. The first one is displaying opposing information by contrasting the headlines of the Lebanese Daily Star and the Israeli Jerusalem Post. The second is again opposing two main pictures, one from Israel and the other from Lebanon. These pictures have no legend and speak for themselves! Her third movement involves mapping the human, economical, and military cost on both sides, day by day, with forty novel design characters and symbols of her own creation.
In this unpublished book, each day of the war is summarized in six pages based on visuals, graphics and journalistic information.
Below are snapshots of the book (copyright: Pamela Hraoui) she kindly agreed to post on Arabdemocracy in memory of the July 2006 war.










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Wednesday, 9 July 2008

We Can Be Heroes... Just For One Day

By Bachir Habib

As soon as the prisoner exchange deal between Israel and Hezbollah left the secret sphere, it became subject to debate in the media and on newspapers pages. The UN is officially calling it a “Humanitarian Agreement”. But this labeling doesn’t seem to justify such a deal in the eyes of many in Israel.
A quick look at the daily press there is enough to reveal an aggressive debate on the issue. Even some international newspapers have fallen in the trap of the internal Israeli debate. Last week, “The Independent” correspondent in Jerusalem Donald Macintyre was the latest Western Fashion Victims choosing to title his piece “Israel to swap killer for two dead soldiers”.

This debate is not expected to end soon. It may at the contrary amplify in the coming days, as the exchange operation nears.
Whether Israel likes it or not, this UN brokered deal is the direct consequence of the July 2006 war. In a conventional war perspective, where the military operations end with a clear winner and loser, such a deal would have occurred sooner after the war. But Israel was not in a posture to admit defeat in August 2006, while Hezbollah showed much triumphalism describing as a “Divine Victory” his ability to resist the Israeli attack.
Israel
needed time; it took over a year for the Winograd Report to be issued detailing the Israeli mistakes after a lengthy investigation. After admitting defeat, it is now time for Israel to pay the price.
Under a “humanitarian” cover, Israel is making a historic move. Giving back Samir Kuntar in exchange of two (maybe dead) soldiers captured on the 12th of July 2006 is a giant leap. The interesting debate about it in Israel is about fears that such a move might become a political and juridical precedent.
The deal will most likely go forward, and the Israeli government is in need to improvise to justify such an unusual event. The latest justifications belong both to the moral sphere. One of the traditional arguments has a religious connotation, invoking Jewish practices that prohibit abandoning dead Israeli soldiers in the battle field.
But the more important and controversial argument is one of “Moral Superiority”.
After at least five decades of Israeli attempts to prove “Military Superiority” and “Technological Superiority” over its Arab neighbors, now it is has found the gift of “Moral Superiority”.
The deal will soon be implemented, Samir Kuntar will be free and welcome as a national hero in Lebanon, while the Israeli nation will overcome its grief by convincing itself that it is morally superior, only for one day. I say one day because no doubt that Israel will continue flaunting basic human rights and international war while claiming eternal victim status.

Moral superiority can only be a stranger in an entity governed by a war doctrine, where every citizen is a solider, and where peace is not possible before the opponent is completely defeated.



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Saturday, 21 June 2008

Iran and the New Israeli Diplomacy

By Bachir Habib

The New York Times announced on Friday that Israel has carried out a rehearsal for an attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities. The large military exercise took place over the Eastern Mediterranean and Greece during the first week of June 2008 and involved more than 100 F15 and F16 warplanes.

The bells of war may not be tolling yet, but the diplomatic fire alarm has been triggered. The IAEA Director Mohamed el Baradei said he would resign if there was a military strike on Iran, warning that such an attack would turn the region into a “fireball”. Russia’s UN envoy commented on the rehearsal saying that threatening Iran with military action could undermine newfound momentum to resolve the standoff with Tehran.

The diplomatic momentum M. Churkin mentioned appears to compete with a military one already in the pipeline.

Today, the risk of an American attack against Iran’s nuclear facilities seems unrealistic, due to many reasons related to security in the Gulf and the Middle East. But the scenario of an Israeli attack on Iran nuclear plants looked like a reality after the report published on Friday by the NY Times.

The credibility of this scenario resides a Realpolitik process that has been running for months now, between the Jewish State and the Iranian proxies in the Middle East such as Syria, Hamas and Hezbollah.

It comes while Turkish brokered negotiations between Damascus and Tel Aviv are going forward, with the Syrian President and the Israeli PM attending the same summit in France on the 13th of July. It comes as well after Israel and Hamas succeeded in agreeing an Egyptian brokered truce in Gaza. And finally it coincides with a German brokered exchange of prisoners between Israel and Hezbollah that begun with the release of Nassim Nisr weeks ago, and the possibility of freeing Samir Kuntar (prisoner in Israel since 1979) in the next few days. There are also diplomatic signs from Israel towards a possible pullout from Shebaa farms due to what appears to be serious US-UN efforts to transfer sovereignty over the farms from Israel to the UN as a first step.

If Tel Aviv agrees on the two latter points, Hezbollah and mostly its popular base will suffer an existential crisis because the party of god always pretended keeping its weapons till the liberation of Shebaa farms and the release of Lebanese prisoners in Israel including Kuntar.

The new “positive” Israeli diplomacy towards Syria, Hamas and Hezbollah generated many question marks lately, but it is now possible to consider that the answers are starting to be uncovered. The Israeli military rehearsal over the Eastern Mediterranean might help in bringing answers to the surface. In that sense, it might be an American-Israeli synchronized preventive diplomacy aiming at impeaching any Iranian proxy reaction in case Teheran is attacked.

If this logic prevails, the timing of the Israeli attack on Iran will then be carefully chosen after a pullout from Shebaa and the liberation of Kuntar, and after the Mediterranean Summit in Paris next month where the Israeli Syrian talks will be informally on the schedule. And by this time, the truce between Israel and Hamas may have passed its critical phase.

But all this looks very easy, and things tend to become more complicated, because what is expected is a preventive Iranian diplomacy hijacking the Israeli American plans before they get to the crucial moment of attacking. The Israeli game is now uncovered, and it’s time for Teheran to play.

It’s yet very early to proclaim a winner, and uncertain that there will be one.



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Wednesday, 18 June 2008

حزيران غزة وأيار بيروت

وائل عبد الرحيم

Picture: www.wordpress.com


بين 15 حزيران / يونيو 2007 و8 أيار / مايو 2008 رابط جليّ.
في التاريخ الأول قررت حماس ان تقطع مع مفاوضات حكومة الوحدة الوطنية فتستولي لوحدها على السلطة ثم تساوم على حكومة وحدة أكثر توازناً. فانتهكت حرمة الدم الفلسطيني، وقتلَ السلاح الحمساوي مئات الكوادر والناشطين، واندلعت حروب الشوارع، وسيطرت مجموعات "التنفيذية" و"كتائب القسام" على مدن القطاع ومخيماته. وصارت غزة إمارة "مستقلة ذاتياً".
وفي 8 أيار تذرّع حزب الله بقرارين (ملتبسين حقّاً) لم يدخلا أصلاً حيّز التنفيذ لينقضّ على بيروت ويسقطها أمنياً و"يفتح" طريق الشام ويحاصر أعالي الشوف والجبل.. واعلنت السلطة استسلامها وقبلت بشروط الحزب ونسب تمثيله في الحكومة، بعد "حياد" رئاسي قررته قيادة الجيش.
لست أناقش هنا ترابط هذا المسلسل ضمن ما اصطُلح على تسميته بالمحور الإيراني السوري، وقد تكون التسمية محقة.
لكن هنالك ما يجمع التاريخين غير هذا، وهو اختلاف النظرة إلى الوحدة الوطنية لدى الفصائل الإسلامية في المقاومة، وخصوصا حماس وحزب الله.
بعيدا عن صراع شيعي – سنّي وخلافه، اثبت هذان الفصيلان انهما لا يقيمان اعتباراً حقيقياً للوحدة الوطنية إلا بقدر ما تقترب من حدود التماثل.
في التاريخ الحديث للمقاومة الفلسطينية خصوصاً تجارب عديدة يمكن من خلالها التمييز بين سلوكين في الممارسة لدى ابرز فصائل العمل الوطني.
في منتصف الثمانينيات ايضاً، وقبل ان تخرج حماس إلى الناس حركة مقاومة، وحينما كان الراحل ياسر عرفات غارقاً في تنازلات واتفاقات منفردة من اتفاق عمّان الملغى مع الملك حسين إلى العلاقات المرمّمة مع النظام المصري المعزول آنذاك، شنّت سورية عبر ادواتها اللبنانية حرباً على المخيمات الفلسطينية في لبنان تحت عنوان تطهيرها من النفوذ العرفاتي.
آنذاك، رفضت الجبهتان الشعبية والديمقراطية (وقيادتاهما المركزيتان في دمشق)، الانجرار إلى ما عجزت عنه مجاميع أبوموسى واحمد جبريل (اي تحويل هذه الحرب إلى فلسطينية – فلسطينية)، ورفعتا شعار الوحدة الميدانية دفاعاً عن المخيمات وعن المجتمع الفلسطيني.
لم يعنٍ لـ"الشعبية" وقتها ان تكون جزءاً من "جبهة الإنقاذ الفلسطيني" لكي تصمت، إعلامياً على الأقل، عمّا كان يجري من مذبحة وهرطقة، وتحركت مركزيتها "الهدف" للتنديد بالعدوان.
كلّف هذا الموقف "الشعبية" ثمناً ما، سيلاً من الشتائم تكفّل بها "اليسار المتطرف" للبعث وأمل (رابطة الشغيلة مثلاً)، واتهامها بالانتهازية والجنوح إلى اليمين وما إلى ذلك.
انتهت حرب المخيمات عام 1987 مخلفة دماراً هائلاً، لكنها لم تترك تأثيراتها على وحدة الفلسطينيين. بدأت الحرب بخرق عرفات للإجماع الوطني الفلسطيني، حتى داخل فتح، وانتهت باستعادة فتح إلى برنامج الحدّ الأدنى المقبول.
ورغم "تطهير" مخيمات بيروت من منازلها ومن "العرفاتيين"، بقيت العرفاتية هتافاً جماعياً وهمساً صباحياً ومسائياً لفسطينيي المخيمات بمختلف انتماءاتهم (رشوا الميّ على الصفصاف عرفاتية وما منخاف!)... وحافظت منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية على وجودها ككيان سياسي وتاريخي وبصفتها "الممثل الشرعي الوحيد للشعب الفلسطيني".
في السنة التي انتهت فيها حرب المخيمات في لبنان، اندلعت الانتفاضة الفلسطينية في الأراضي المحتلة، واتخذت لها "القيادة الوطنية الموحدة للانتفاضة". شكّلت هذه القيادة التي اقترحتها "الشعبية" إطاراً قاعدياً وحدويا جمعها إلى فتح والديمقراطية والشيوعي الفلسطيني (الشعب حالياً) وفصائل المنظمة الأخرى، وقاد الانتفاضة الاولى من 1987 حتى 1990.
وحّدت الانتفاضة القوى الفاعلة والمؤثرة، وكان "العرفاتي" يواجه الاحتلال الإسرائيلي في رام الله، وفصائل البعث السوري من أمل وأبوموسى في صبرا وشاتيلا والبداوي والبارد و"الجليل – بعلبك".
وفي الفترة نفسها التي كان الاستئصاليون الفلسطينيون فيها ضعفاء وعاجزين في الداخل المحتلّ، كانت المقاومة الوطنية اللبنانية تُلغى في لبنان، ويستعاض عن وحدة البندقية المقاومة، بالأحادية.
هو اختلاف بين مفهومين ونظرتين إلى الوحدة الوطنية والشراكة الوطنية.. والتاريخ لا يعيد نفسه.. للأسف.

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Saturday, 14 June 2008

بين وعد بَشير وَوعد نصرُ الله

سيرين الامين


ونعود ايضا وايضا الى القرارين الحكوميين المفصليين الشهيرين في 7 ايار 2008، لكن هذه المرّة من زاوية مختلفة: لو رجعتم واستمعتم الى ما قرأه علينا وزير الاعلام السيد غازي العريضي، ربما عاد بكم الزمن الى عام 94 من القرن الماضي و ذكّركم بقرار حلّ "ميليشيا القوات اللبنانية "(1) في عهد الرئيس الحريري، اقله هذا كان انطباعي الشخصي .
وان عدتم الى فترة 7-9 ايار 2008، ربما تذكرتم (وهنا ذاكرتنا، نحن الشباب، "ادبية"، "كتابية"، و"سماعية") انتفاضة او عملية "توحيد البندقية " التي شنّها بشير الجميل في 7 تموز 1980 وحسمها بسرعة فائقة، وكان في حينه فَرض المنطق الحربي شر لا بد منه .
وبين اغنية "وعد يا لبنان" التي انشدتها باسكال صقر لذكرى الرئيس بشير الجميل بعد اغتياله في 14 أيلول 1982 في بيت الكتائب في الاشرفية، وبين وعد السيد حسن نصر الله الصادق في صيف 2006 وادٍ ضبابي(2).
كان بشير الجميل شابا صاحب كاريزما ورجلا مؤمنا يُحب صليبه الخشبي البسيط على حائط عرفته وهو ايضا كان يبعث رسائل دعم معنوي وروحي الى رجاله في ساحات التدريب والقتال، مكتوبة بخط يده، ولو باللغة الفرنسية. وهو الذي فُجع بابنته "مايا"، وهو شخصية قيادية ومقاومة (بالمفهوم "المسيحي")، متمردة و جريئة والاهم انه كان رجلا عسكريا بكل ما للكلمة معنى، فعندما اراد نقل "الثقل المعرفي" من الغربية الى الشرقية، وضَغط على ادارة الجامعة الاميريكية كي تسمح بفتح فرع في المنطقة المقابلة وجاءه الرد سلبيا، امرَ بشير بقصف ال A.U.B وقُصفت الجامعة، فكان له ما اراد . . .
ومما لا شك فيه ان السيد نصر الله صاحب هالة وهو قائد شجاع وأب لرجاله في الميدان، والوالد الثاكل لـ"هادي" ايضا، وثائر ومدافع شرس عن بندقيته ومقاومته ولبنانه.
كان لبشيرحلم هيولي، غير نهائي، تأرجح بين لبنان وطن قومي مسيحي، ولبنان فدرالي تسيّره وتَقبض عليه المسيحية – اللبنانية، وربما فِكْر جديد ادّى الى اغتياله، فكانت عملية الانتقال من قائد الميليشيا الى رئيس الجمهورية، دموية، قاتلة، فانقلب الحلم الى كابوس .
وللسيد نصر الله مشروعه المتغير ايضا، فحزب الله 1982 لم يعد هو بايديولوجيته المتشددة، بعد اتفاق الطائف، قَبِل الحزب تدريجيا بتعددية لبنان وخصوصيته والاهم بالرغبة بمشاركة الاخر. وكان تتويج هذا التطور او الطفرة في الاتفاق الشجاع بين حزب الله والتيار الوطني الحر في الـ2006 .
اتذكّر صديقي في الجامعة اليسوعية ببيروت عندما كان يُطلق على بشير لقب""Saint Bach، اي " القديس بشير"، نعم فهو ايقونة لشريحة من اللبنانيين، وبالمقابل فان للسيد نصر الله من يوشك على تقديسه ولو بالمعنى الوطني، السياسي والقومي (ناهيك عن البعد الديني)، فهو الذي قاد الانتصار في الـ2000 و الـ2006 و صدَق بعهوده في الـ2008 .
وفي الختام نقول بأن بين الاضداد (3) بشير الجميل – حسن نصر الله، علاقة دياليكتيكية، بل توليدية (مايوتيكية)، فحزب الله (4) وُلد من رحم اجتياح واحتلال اسرائيل للبنان، فبدأ حلم جديد من حيث انتهى حلم اخر، وانتقلت الشعلة من ساعد الى ساعد اخر، والبندقية من كتف الى كتف مخالف ومختلف، واتخذ النضال دربا جديدا وشكلا جديدا وانعطف قطار التاريخ (؟) (5) قال "بشير" : "نحن قدّيسو هذا الشرق وشياطينه"، فكان قولا "حسنا"!


(1) تجدر الاشارة هنا الى ان القرار اتُخذ بالرغم من اعتراف" القوات" الضّمني باتفاق الطائف، فهم شاركوا في حكومة عمر كرامة (1990-1992) عبر روجيه ديب، و هي الحكومة الاولى من "عهد الوصاية السورية"، مع ان ذلك لم يكن حال حزب الله الذي لم يسمح له بدخول " السُلْطة " الا بعد اعادة انتشار الجيش السوري في الـ2005 التي ما لبثوا ان انسحبوا منها في 26 نيسان الـ2005 ـ لكن ما لم يحصّن القوات من الانقلاب عليهم في الـ 1994 كذلك الحال لم يحصّن حزب الله في الـ 2008.

(2) ولعلّ الشخصية الرئيسية التي حاولت مد جسر فوق هذا الـ no man's land الموحش هي الرئيس رفيق الحريري، لكن محاولة تقريب الاضداد امر شبه مستحيل، فأُغتيل الرئيس، لكن لبنان كان وفيا فانتفض.

(3) استطرادا، تبيّن لي مع الوقت بأن اللبنانيين يحبّون وطنهم كثيرا (كلّ على ليلاه طبعا)، ولكنهم يكرهون بعضهم كثيرا، ولربما تلك هي الاشكالية الشغوفة المتفجرة في علاقة الحب والكره هذه !

(4) اما في ايار 2008، فبرر حزب الله هذه "العملية الجراحية الضرورية " وهذا "الاستئصال الموضعي للورم الخبيث"، باعادة الوطن الى سكته الطبيعية والتاريخية . . . وهكذا كان.

(5) فهل للتاريخ اتجاه وخط واحد، حتمي، قدري، ام تشعبات افتراضية؟

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Tuesday, 3 June 2008

حزب الله يشطب التسعينيات من تاريخه

Wael Abd El-Raheem is a new contributor to Arabdemocracy, he is a Lebanese journalist based in the UK. He holds a degree in Media and Journalism from the Lebanese University and has previously worked for a number of Lebanese and Arab publications in Lebanon and the Arab World. His interests, among others, include Lebanese current affairs and the history of Arab Liberation movements throughout the 20th century.

بقلم وائل عبد الرحيم
اعتصام المعارضة اللبنانية في وسط بيروت دام اكثر من 18 شهرا


يستعجل حزب الله كشف كل اوراقه. ماذا يريد من لبنان وكيف يريد هذا الـ"لبنان"؟

منذ انتهاء حرب تموز 2006 مضى الحزب بعيداً في سلوك يكشف هدفه الحقيقي: السلطة. ليس غريباً ان يسعى حزب ما في بلد ما إلى السيطرة على مقاليد الحكم، لكن المشكلة عند حزب الله انه عوّد اللبنانيين منذ اتفاق الطائف وخلال حقبة الوصاية السورية على خطاب يبدي فيه التعفف عن السلطة.
بلغ التعفف هذا حدّاً بعيداً تحت شعار قدسية سلاح المقاومة، سلاح تكاد لا تماثله قدسية إلا شعار خدمة الناس الذي رفعه متلازماً.. بأشفار العيون قالها الأمين العام الشهيد عباس الموسوي، ثم كرّسها الأمين العام الحالي حسن نصرالله. بأشفار العيون خدمة الناس، وبعيداً عن زواريب السياسة.. عن الطائفية ايضاً.. عن الفساد وتأليف الحكومات والمحاصصة الإدارية وغيرها من الأمور الذي يتسم بها النظام الزبائني اللبناني.
لكنه، هذا الحزب، ومنذ اغتيال رئيس الحكومة اللبنانية السابق رفيق الحريري، ارتبك.. بدأ "يقفز" في الخطاب.. من احتكار المقاومة ومزاياها الحسنة، وقيمها التعففية، إلى خطاب المشاركة الذي كرّسه بعد انتصاره في حرب تموز.منذ انتهاء حرب تموز 2006، أصبحت المشاركة مع أولئك الذين خوّنهم من أطياف 14 آذار مطلباً اساسياً. وتدرّج خطاب المشاركة لينجح في الآخر بقلب منظومة القيم التعففية التي روّج لها في عقد التسعينيات. خاض الحزب في "مستنقع" السياسة الداخلية برفقة حلفاء استطاع ان يبلور معهم مجموعة من الشعارات التي تحمل تناقضات ظاهرة مع منظومة تسعينياته.
مشاركة الشيعة في الحكم (عبر الثلث المعطل او الضامن الخ)، تحصيل حقوق المسيحيين في الدولة (لحساب شريكه العوني)، رفض التوطين (على قاعدة تضرّر المسيحيين والشيعة منه)، منح المغتربين حق الاقتراع (مجاملة للعوني أيضاً)، تكريس سلاحه ودويلته (بانتظار "الدولة العادلة").. دفن الطائف (على لسان وئام وهّاب)
غاب عن خطاب "المشاركة" الجديد للحزب اي دعوة إلى تحديث النظام السياسي كان يجهر بها في تسعينياته. أسقط حزب الله من خطاب "المشاركة" حرمة المسّ بالسلم الأهلي (المقاومة لا تحتاج إلى إجماع قالها نصرالله). اسقط حزب الله قيمة التحفظ، وجاهر بما كان من المحرمات في التسعينيات. بهذا شطب حزب الله التسعينيات من تاريخه، ما خلا مآثره العسكرية ضد العدو، واعاد وصل ما انقطع مع ثمانيناته

هنا تبدو الصور اكثر وضوحاً

إلى جانب العمل المقاوم، شهدت الثمانينيات مسلسل الاغتيالات الذي طال رموزاً يسارية وشيوعية (شيعة بمعظمهم) اعتُبر الحزب وأجهزة محلية إيرانية متورطين فيها. جرّب أيضاً الصدام الداخلي بصوره الأكثر دموية مع شريكه في الطائفة (معاركه مع امل). استخدم سلاح المقاومة لضرب المقاومة الأخرى (الوطنية).في كلّ ذلك، كان حزب الله حزب ولاية الفقيه علانية. وكان لفظ الجلالة يتوسط المساحة البيضاء في راية يحدّها من الجانبين الأحمر والأخضر
هذه الراية كانت راية حزب الثمانينيات، وهي تعود اليوم

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Sunday, 25 May 2008

Mabrouk (or the silly euphoria)

By Joseph El-Khoury


In psychological jargon the term selective abstraction refers to when a person dismisses the positive and focuses on the negative aspects of a particular situation. Since the Doha accord, engineered with great personal effort by the Qatari dynasty and other Arab regimes, the Lebanese seem to be engaged in a reverse process of completely ignoring vital information that might suggest that all is not right in the country of the Cedar despite the impending election of the only candidate to the Presidential election, General Michel Suleiman. While this tendency allows them to bounce back and make the best of any hint of opportunity , as witnessed by the white balloons, the self-congratulatory (Mabrouk) emails, the rush on airline bookings and the 25% increase in the share price of SOLIDERE; this unfounded optimism carries in it the seeds of the next crisis to come. Without indulging in cruelty I will attempt to remind them of the negative elements in their current state of affairs:

-They are electing for the second consecutive time an Army general with no popular support, no political program and the military establishment as his last refuge.

-They have again interpreted, modified and frankly wiped their bums with the nation’s constitution to the point that its validity as a useful reference document has to be questioned.

-The media war between various factions shows no sign of let down with accusations of treason and counter treason.

-While a cabinet of national unity might defuse the tension on the street, previous experience with that format have led to stagnation and inefficiency in government.

-Instead of a direct confrontation between the Shiite and Sunni factions, the nearing electoral contest is likely to heighten tensions within the Christian street, as other constituencies are more or less guaranteed to one or the other of the dominating sectarian tribes.

-The issue of Hezbollah’s weapons has not been resolved. There is less of a consensus on them than ever before and any clash with Israel is likely to resurrect internal grievances.

-Other factions are likely to continue rearming following the defeat they suffered at the hand of opposition militias.

-The economic situation is dire for the majority of the population. Its resolution is not a priority for any of the major parties.

- There has been no improvement in the relationship with neighbouring Syria.

-The perpetrators of the assassinations and other act of terrors since 2005 have still not been identified. The international tribunal for Lebanon remains an empty promise.

-The situation of Palestinian refugees remains dramatic. While the threat of their ‘settlement’ is used in the internal political bazaar they remain economical and social pariahs in the country where many of them were born since 1948.

- Secularism is not on the agenda.

I probably missed something and would be gladly reminded of it. On the positive side General Suleiman’s primary school teacher reassured us in an Al-Jazeera interview that the young Michel was ‘popular at school with every other pupil requesting to be sat next to him’. I breathe a sigh of relief!

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Friday, 23 May 2008

The Gun of Joseph Samaha

By Bachir Habib

Picture: Al Akhbar Newspaper - www.al-akhbar.com

Every Lebanese and Arab citizen concerned about the events in Lebanon would know Al-Akhbar newspaper. This newspaper in a way transformed the landscape of political journalism in Lebanon. It was established according to the plan and idea of its real founder, Joseph Samaha, who died from a sudden heart attack in 2007.
Despite the image Al Akhbar tried hard to promote as a landmark in investigative journalism in Lebanon, it was considered from its first edition as speaking in the name of Hezbollah and the opposition in Lebanon (8th of March). This is actually the political side Joseph Samaha chose following the assassination of late Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005.
However, if Samaha’s journalistic heritage was very much respected in Lebanon and the Arab World; it is essentially because of his ability to point his gun in an unexpected direction and against the common wisdom. Repeatedly during his career, later events showed that Samaha was right in choosing his targets. It is yet to be proven that Samaha made the right choice in aligning Al Akhbar to Hezbollah’s positions two years ago and in using this new and modern journalistic platform to gloss the party’s image by promoting it as a natural successor to the leftist liberation movements of the 1960’s and 70’s.
It is unfortunately a false image and a false analogy, which while widely shared within the Arab masses, tends to forget that Hezbollah is a Shiite communitarian party (and this goes beyond only having its roots in Islamic tradition as is the case for the AKP in Turkey). Our masses forget as well about the Iranian dimension of Hezbollah, and the fact that the party of god is considered by Teheran as the only successful exportation of the principles of the Islamic Revolution.
Khaled Saghiyeh, a disciple of Samaha wrote an outstanding piece in Al Akhbar on 21/05/08. I would not have been surprised if this article was published under Joseph Samaha’s name.
Saghiyeh titled his article “Shame and Sadness”. In it he expresses his deception regarding the outcome of the Lebanese Agreement of Doha and he rightly points that the Agreement regenerates the communitarian equation on one hand and gives Lebanon on the other hand a new President, who does not have a political record and who has not yet announced any plan or vision for the country.
I may be a long way from changing my mind about Al Akhbar newspaper and its misleading political project, regardless of the very valid occasional investigative social journalism accomplished in a very professional manner. But in the case of Saghiyeh’s article, I simply felt that the writer had finally taken Samaha’s gun from its box, and let the gun guide his hand to point it in the right direction: sectarianism.
This was a successful shot, and hopefully for Al Akhbar there will be others, as we come to close the era of 8th v/s 14th of March equation. The funerals of this era took place in Qatar on the 21st of May 2008, and the condolences will follow in the Lebanese Parliament, on the 25th of May 2008, the day where our designated President will be "Elected".

Link to Khaled Saghyieh's Article: http://www.al-akhbar.com/ar/node/74433

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Wednesday, 21 May 2008

The Lebanese Delusion

By Bassem Hassan

Picture: www.criticaltimes.com.au, edited by Arabdemocracy:
In the original version it said: "Explain again your definition of Terrorism?..."

I must admit to a disturbing mix of amusement and resignation at reading the articles appearing recently on this site relating to the latest episode of the permanent crisis that is Lebanon. On the one hand, I find myself amused by the grand-standing, over-poetic and hyper dramatized style- to the point of comedy- of the open letters to this, that or the other leader. On the other hand, I am resigned- no depressed- at the completely off-target content of these said letters and articles.
In some sense the dramatized style and the off-target content are a perfect fit. Not only do they go well together stylistically, they also make sense conceptually. This is because both style and content are symptoms of serious intellectual disorder called- or should be called- the Lebanese Delusion.
The Lebanese Delusion –LD for short- takes many forms. In its most mundane, and relatively harmless, form it manifests itself as a belief that “we the Lebanese” are somehow special, different, superior at the individual level. A slightly more dangerous sub-type of the disorder takes the form of cultural superiority of each and every one of the Lebanese “communities”- a euphemism for religious sects of course- over the others, and consequently over the rest of humanity. However, the most virulent variant of the