Sunday, November 30, 2008

The Mumbai Attacks: Al Qaeda Decentralized

By Bachir Habib


“Let us not fool ourselves; it is a serious situation when the people in India feel this is their 9/11”.
Shah Mahmood Qureshi, Pakistani Foreign Minister

What happened in India last week sets a new tone for the war on terror. From an American led campaign that generated, for years, passionate debates around the globe, the war on terror has acquired since the Mumbai attacks a totally new local and regional dimension imposing a new Modus Operandi and complicating the modalities of the so called “Global War on Terror”.
From the Madrid train bombings in March 2004, to the 07/07/ London bombings in 2005 and the self styled Iraqi Al Qaeda long struggle, we have been hearing about new ways and tactics the terrorist organization is using to bypass the vigilance and the high security plans introduced in major Western capitals since September 11 attacks on New York and Washington.
The way the Mumbai attacks have been planned and put in practice confirm the change in the nature of the struggle, at least from Al Qaeda’s point of view. It has been made clear that Al Qaeda managed to change its fighting style, showing creativity and the capacity to adapt to new conditions where the “sleeping cells” strategy isn’t as efficient. Instead of manipulating undercover sleeping cells hierarchically related to Osama Ben Laden and Ayman Al Zawahiri, the Mumbai attacks prove that Al Qaeda is now a decentralized entity, granting its trade mark label to any Islamic group willing to start a local franchise of the Ben Laden movement.
Some technical lessons should be learnt after the attacks in India last week. The more important one is how powerful a local terrorist group can be when it operates in its natural environment. In that sense, the group that perpetrated the attacks in Mumbai managed to turn one coordinated assault into a series of independent successful operations. The only difference with the Al Qaeda style has been the absence of the suicidal dimension. While suicide attacks have been the strongest tool for Al Qaeda (9/11 and Madrid bombings), the decentralization of the movement unveils new dangerous and deadly capabilities of Islamic terrorism without the need to make suicide a key to success. On the contrary, the decentralization method proves, at least in the Indian case, that terrorists can plan and carry out commando operations that last for days and cause chaos and fear. It is useful here to remind that as few as 10 militants may have been involved in the Mumbai assaults, attacking multiple locations including two hotels, a major railway station, a hospital and a Jewish centre. And to cap it all, the Islamist commandos even had the audacity to search for people with Western passports in order to take them hostage.

Al Qaeda’s decentralization appears as a real new global threat, and there is a high probability that it will lead to the decentralization of the war against it, with all the complications that follow. The attacks in Mumbai, after Delhi held Islamabad responsible for offering a safe haven to terrorists, directly resulted in the inauguration of a new era of tension with neighboring Pakistan. Decentralizing the fight against Al Qaeda is a high risk strategy specifically in the Arab and Islamic world, where the “War on Terror” label may serve as an excuse for some states to try and win through aggression what should be achieved through negotiations.

Thursday, November 27, 2008

ما أضيق العيش في بلاد الأرز

وائل عبد الرحيم



منذ بضع سنوات أحيل المسؤول العسكري الفلسطيني منير المقدح إلى القضاء اللبناني بتهمة تهديد وزير في حكومة لبنان، وصدر بحقه حكم بالسجن. منذ ذلك الحين يمتنع العقيد المقدح عن مغادرة مخيم عين الحلوة. أما الوزير المعني بالتهديدات فهو السيد نقولا فتوش الذي لم يرتكب جرماً ما عدا تصريح أدلى به استخدم فيه مصطلح نفايات لوصف الفلسطينيين في لبنان او على الأقل هكذا ادعى المقدح حينما استعرض عضلاته وتوعّد الوزير فتوش و"هدّده". حصل ذلك في زمن الوصاية السورية على البلد وحينما كان الوزير فتوش أحد الحلفاء وثيقي الصلة بمسؤولي الوصاية!
حسناً فعل فتوش إذا كان استخدم هذا المصطلح في توصيفه لفلسطينيي لبنان الذي يعيشون في مخيماته منذ نزوحهم القسري في عام 1948. فالفلسطينيون في "بلاد الأرز" يعاملون معاملة النفايات ومخيماتهم مزابل مشرعة لشتى انواع القمامة معاد تصنيعها. الذي يعرف المخيمات الفلسطينية، يعرف جيداً انه من الصعوبة بمكان إدخال كيس اسمنت واحد إلى مخيم فلسطيني في لبنان حيث تتابع الحكومات المتوالية تشديد مراقبتها لمواد البناء الداخلة إلى المخيمات في محاولة منها للحدّ من البناء العامودي الذي يضطر الفلسطينيون إليه بسبب الزيادة الديمغرافية الطبيعية، ومع ذلك فإن الأسلحة الخفيفة حديثة الصنع تدخل بسهولة، والمطلوبون اللبنانيون والفلسطينيون والعرب يدخلون ويخرجون، والأموال التي تذهب لاغراض الاستخدام السياسي حصراً تتدفق بيسر على ما يبدو، ويطيب للمجموعات الإرهابية الإسلامية الاستيطان هنالك بل و"التكاثر" أيضاً.
والأسوا من كل ذلك، أنه رغم الانحسار الكبير للنفوذ الفلسطيني، لا يزال هذا الملف يُستخدم من قبل الأطراف اللبنانية في سياق السجال الداخلي.
فالجنرال ميشال عون جعل مسألة الوجود الفلسطيني في صلب برامجه السياسية كلها، وهو او نواب كتلته لا ينفكون يرددون معزوفة رفض التوطين، والتخويف منه، وما سرّب على لسان عون إلى الأوروبيين والأميركيين أقلّه ان لبنان بلد صغير ولا يتسع لـ450 الف لاجئ فلسطيني في حين ان الدول العربية واسعة ويمكن لها بسهولة ان تستوعبهم.
وما لم يقله عون مباشرة قاله حلفاؤه في "جبهة الحرية" وهم تجمع لقادة ومقاتلي القوات اللبنانية المعادين لسمير جعجع، حينما طرحوا بصراحة خطة ترحيل للفلسطينيين، جزء إلى البلاد العربية وجزء آخر إلى المهجر الأوروبي والأميركي تحت شعار لمّ الشمل العائلي، وربما جزء إلى اراضي دولة فلسطينية لم تولد بعد.
وهذه الجوقة المنضوية ضمن أوركسترا تحالف "8 آذار" تجد لها من يواكبها صراخاً يومياً باسم شعار حق العودة إلى فلسطين، وباسم القضايا الكبرى الإسلامية منها والعربية لا بل والأممية، وهو ما يتولاه حزب الله بشكل أساسي.
كأنما الفلسطيني اختار البقاء بملء إرادته في هذا البلد الذي يمنع عنه من حق العمل، كما يقيّد إقامته وانتقاله، ويحاصره في سكنه. (الفلسطيني ممنوع من العمل في معظم المهن، وغير مشمول بتقديمات اجتماعية، ولا يحقّ له الانتساب إلى النقابات، وتقيد تجارته، ولا مكان فيه لأصحاب المهن الحرة من اطباء ومحامين وصيادلة، ويحظر عليه تملك منزل، ولكي يخرج من بعض المخيمات "الخطرة" عليه ان يحوز على تصريح خاص من استخبارات الجيش).
الفلسطينيون ارتكبوا اخطاء وخطايا في لبنان (واللبنانيون كذلك)، وسلاحهم في المخيمات وخارجها لا داعي له. لا بل إن بسط الدولة اللبنانية سيادتها على المخيمات الفلسطينية ضروري للفلسطيني قبل اللبناني. وإن كان يوجد من يتمسك بهذا السلاح اليوم فهم بعض اللبنانيين وامتداداتهم الإقليمية المعروفة.
واكثر من هذا، الفلسطيني لن يقبل بالتوطين في لبنان أو بحيازة جواز سفر لبناني، فلا توجد ضرورة للأمر. لكن ان يتم التهويل يومياً بموضوع التوطين وفي الوقت نفسه حرمان الفلسطينيين من حقوقهم في حياة كريمة بحدنها الأدنى، فهذا ما لا يقبله عقل ولا منطق، إلا منطق بعض اللبنانيين المغالين في افتخارهم بلبنانيتهم وادعائهم الحفاظ على هوية البلد (أي هوية؟)، وهم يخفون تعجرفاً مقيتاً وعنصرية غبية.

ما المطلوب حقيقة؟ تهجير الفلسطينيين تحت شعار رفض التوطين؟.

عيب! الفلسطينيون هُجروا قسراً في الأربعينيات، كما نزح الأرمن في بداية القرن الماضي، مع السريان والأشوريين والكلدان وغيرهم. الفلسطينيون النازحون واولادهم وأحفادهم عاشوا حياة القهر والفقر والذل، فيما حاز البقية على الجنسية اللبنانية.
عيب علينا نحن اللبنانيين الذين نصبنا تمثال المهاجر الأول على مدخل عاصمتنا، أن نعمد إلى المتاجرة بحياة من لا يزال البعض يصرّ على تسميتهم بـ"الغرباء" ويجدّد الحلم – الكابوس القديم بان يقيم حدائق للحيوانات مكان المخيمات. (هكذا وعد رئيس سابق للجمهورية الجنرال آرييل شارون أن يفعل بمخيم صبرا وشاتيلا).
هذا بعض من الحياة السياسية هنا، سياسة تجتر نفسها ولا تملك سوى القدرة على اعادة وجوه جديدة لوحش العنصرية نفسه.

Wednesday, November 26, 2008

Palestinians Advertise Peace in Israeli Newspapers

By Bachir Habib

The Palestinian Authority showed unusual creativity and determination last week by placing a full-page advert in Israeli Hebrew newspapers to promote a six year old Arab peace plan. The plan was first proposed at the Beirut 2002 Arab Summit and readopted by Arab countries last year in Riyad.
The initiative clearly proposes a return to the principle of “Land in exchange of Peace”. According to this principle, Arab countries will recognize the State of Israel in exchange for an end to Israel's occupation of land captured in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.
The proposition looks straightforward from the Arab side, but examining the question from the Israeli point of view involves different parameters, if not a total different logic. While The Arab initiative appears to be a proof of goodwill, and a serious step towards peace; it is echoed by suspicion and hesitation in the Israeli political sphere. The Israeli reaction to the initiative proves once again that Tel Aviv is still far from promoting a peace building culture. It also confirms that after 60 years of existence, Israel still acts according to the archaic principle that considers attack (or aggression) the best form of defense.
Since it was first proposed, the Arab initiative created divisions in the Israeli political class. While the Israeli government has noted "positive aspects" in the plan without formally accepting it, Israeli President Shimon Peres praised the plan as a "sea-change" in Arab policy, and Defense Minister Ehud Barak said it could "serve as the basis" for negotiations.
The real hesitations behind the Israeli position over the Arab plan rely in internal political and partisan divisions. While Israelis agree in theory that they will have to return most lands occupied in 1967, they part over two elements of the peace plan - allowing East Jerusalem as a capital for a future Palestinian state, and discussing Palestinian refugees in the context of a peace deal. It is on these two focal points that Israel will have to make hard choices and concessions in exchange for peace and prosperity, especially after it proclaimed Jerusalem (including the occupied eastern half) its "eternal, undivided" capital and rejected any responsibility for the flight of refugees during conflicts since 1948.
In this context of tense internal divisions where Israeli politicians blame each other constantly for concessions made to the enemy, a simple and clear plan like the Arab initiative can easily be distorted, and the Israelis mislead and misinformed.
It is interesting to see the Palestinians bypassing the Israeli political class via leading newspapers and addressing the Israeli public directly in their own language, preempting implicitly against any political manipulation of the peace initiative.
Such audacity is a great starting point, but instead of being a one time shot, it needs to develop into a proper pressure tool pushing Israeli politicians towards more responsible attitudes and less hypocrisy and manipulation.
However, it is still unclear whether the Palestinian Authority has a real strategy in that sense.

Sunday, November 23, 2008

November Blog of the Month: Neurotic Iraqi Wife


On Arabdemocracy, we will be featuring on a monthly basis a chosen blog from the Arab world that we believe has contributed to the promotion of debate and a democratic discourse in the region. The focus will be on overall quality, style, content and originality.

Watch this Space
The Editors @ Arabdemocracy



Self confessed Neurotic Iraqi Wife (NIW) is Iraqi-British and in her thirties. She started blogging in August 2004 and her journey since then has taken us from London to Abu Dhabi through Baghdad. From her privileged position as the wife of an Iraqi expat involved with the American administration of Iraq, her story is also that of the country since the 2003 invasion. Her early posts are dedicated to and indeed dominated by HUBBY (husband). He remains anonymous to the readers, although the idiosyncrasies of Arab manhood are exposed with remarkable humour. A recent bride, NIW draws us into her world, comfortably sharing her anxieties over their young marriage with a wide and varied audience. The themes, taking into account the cultural context, are universal: The tension between career and family, the compromises to be made in a marriage and the stress of a long distance relationship. Mixing the personal with the mundane and the political, NIWs is observant and witty, commenting on everything from Iraqi elections to cosmetic surgery. We frequently accompany the couple on their R&Rs (Rest and Relaxation) around the world, from Amsterdam to Hong-Kong, as they do their best to defy the circumstances and strengthen their relationship. With the years NIW comes of age, in blogging terms and probably personally as well. She slowly redefines herself from a wife to a stand-alone commentator. This is very noticeable with her move to Baghdad in May 2005 after 15 years of exile. Her observations become more personal and she stops being the mouthpiece for her husband on Iraqi politics (Something that was unavoidable until then given the pressure from her readers for inside information).Despite the obvious relief of being with her husband, new tensions arise linked to the unique environment of the Restricted area at the heart of Baghdad known as the Green Zone (GZ). Judging from her writings, her mood states also closely mirror the ups and downs of the occupation, as experienced through the selective lens of the expats. From interaction with colleagues and fellow residents from all walks of life, all stuck in ‘EYERAK’, one cannot avoid connecting with the overwhelmingly claustrophobic atmosphere. She is not afraid to venture into other Middle Eastern issues, touching on the Israeli assault on Lebanon in July 2006, that she lives through the plight of her sister, trapped in Beirut under fire. She is also critical of prejudiced tendencies that she witnesses first hand within Emirati society. An unashamedly ardent Obama supporter over the past few weeks she makes a more tempered (and realistic?) assessment over his likely impact on the Iraqi situation. In a recent post she states her frank pessimism about Iraq in the short term, predicting an inevitable downturn of events that the US presence is only delaying

Enter the world of Neurotic wives...with a distinct Arab flavour

Thursday, November 20, 2008

Miliband in Old Damascus : Ice Cream and Orientalist Themes

By Joseph El-Khoury


I have always found David Miliband irritating and patronising. But I have found him even more so ever since, when asked on British TV on the type of music to be found on his IPOD, he responded by ‘Classical’. This was a few days after his boss Gordon Brown had surprised the media by claiming his admiration for the Arctic Monkeys, an edgy Rock band from Sheffield. The contrast between the two answers in that time frame should give you an idea about the man’s psychology. So watching him eat Ice Cream in Damascus’ s Old Quarter reminded me more of the ‘Englishman abroad syndrome’ than of a comfortable cultural exchange; A striking departure from the laid back Tony Blair.
But this piece is not about Miliband, although he is likely to continue making the headlines in the future, possibly as a British Prime Minister one day. This piece is about Syria and its eternal potential as a ‘force of stability’ in the Middle East. Never mind the appearances, Western powers have always favoured working in partnership with the Assad(father and son)regime in Damascus, hoping secretly that they could turn him one day into the Hosni Mubarak pseudo-republic : authoritarian at home, moderate abroad and unquestionably serving their interest in the region. But again and again, the mutually beneficial relationship has failed to take off, with the guilty party being the Syrians. This is not out of some ideological principle, as they like to bang on about, specifically when taunting their ex-Lebanese allies now turned hardened Atlancisits.
Syria has shown throughout the decades that its position as arch-enemy to the Zionist project is less permanent than it might appear to readers of the Baath, Teshrine and Al-Thawra (All official publications of the regime). Whether failing to support the Fedayeen in Jordan, fighting a half-hearted battle in Lebanon (1982,1996), joining the anti-Iraqi coalition in 1991 or defending its own borders against repeated airborne aggressions (2007,2008), the Syrians have always a White Flag in reserve. At the first hint of interest from anyone in a suit and a foreign accent the Syrian Nomenklatura is seen welcoming, wining and dining or feeding Ice Cream. And for some strange reason what is acceptable in Damascus is certainly anathema in Beirut. The reason has less to do with the credentials of the current Syrian Leaders. After all none of them lost limb fighting the Americans or a son resisting the Israelis.
The credentials used are those of Damascus as a well established centre of power with historical significance in the Arab and Muslim World. A seat of the Khilafa and (adopted) home of Salahuddin, to be reckoned with in war and peace. In contrast Beirut seems a hybrid rebellious cousin, to be tamed rather than be reasoned with. On that point Assad, Sarkozy and the Anglo-American axis agree.
The problem remains that Syria is unable to offer the veneer of democracy required by public opinion in Europe and is still hoping to obtain more than Israel is willing to give up in the occupied Golan Heights. With the Israeli Skiing season starting shortly, the Europeans know that. This visit might have more to do with Anglo-French rivalry than Middle Eastern hopes for Peace. Where Sarkozy treads Albion will follow!

Wednesday, November 19, 2008

لبنان: هل الإنتخابات النيابية المقبلة هي حقاً مصيرية ؟

وديع حمدان
نشر في "الافق" العدد 10، تشرين الثاني 2008
www.al-ofok.com


تقدّم القوى السياسية المتصارعة في لبنان الإنتخابات النيابية المقبلة على أنها مصيرية للبنان الكيان والوطن والدولة. وتعمل هذه القوى على شحن مناصريها وتنبيههم الى خطورة ما ستنتهي إليه نتائج هذه الإنتخابات. كما أن الحركة السياسية الداخلية ومصالحاتها باتت محكومة بدورها بالتحضير للإنتخابات النيابية.
ومن إستمرار مناخ المصالحات والتهدئة بين القوى في الشارع الإسلامي، وعقد اللقاء المتأخر بين السيد حسن نصرالله والنائب سعد الحريري، الى صعود وهبوط بورصة المصالحة في الشارع المسيحي، مروراً بإثارة مسألة صلاحيات نائب رئيس مجلس الوزراء، وصولاً الى الجدل حول توسيع دائرة المشاركين في طاولة الحوار برعاية رئيس الجمهورية، يعمل جميع الفرقاء على تحسين شروطهم بانتظار المرحلة القادمة. وهي مرحلة فيها انتخابات رئاسية أميركية، ودعوة الى إنتخابات نيابية مبكرة في إسرائيل، وإنتخابات رئاسية في إيران، لها جميعها انعكاس على لبنان ومضاعفات على المنطقة بأسرها.

في الوقت عينه، تعمل القوى الخارجية الفاعلة محلياً على طرح أوراقها مواكبةً الإعداد للإنتخابات النيابية اللبنانية، ومتجاوزة ذلك نحو ملفّات متعدّدة.
فنرى سوريا توجّه عدة رسائل الى المجتمعين العربي والدولي لإعادة تلميع دورها في لبنان من خلال القبول بإقامة علاقات دبلوماسية (بتأخير 65 سنة!)، وإعلان إستعدادها لتطبيق قرار الأمم المتحدة 1701 ومواجهة الإرهاب، في نفس الوقت الذي تحشد فيه قوى عسكرية على الحدود مع لبنان. ونرى إيران تستقبل ميشال عون للإشارة بأن حدود نفوذها لبنانياً صارت تتعدى الطائفة الشيعية ودور حزب الله. في المقابل، نشهد إعادة تنشيط للدور المصري من خلال زيارات لمسؤولين مصريين الى بيروت، وتوجيه الدعوات الى شخصيات سياسية ودينية لزيارة مصر، وذلك لموازنة الدور السوري، وعدم ترك الدور السعودي وحيداً في مواجهته. ويضاف الى كل ذلك، ظهور اهتمام متأخّر للولايات المتحدة بتسليح الجيش اللبناني.
مما لا شكّ فيه أن الإنتخابات النيابية اللبنانية المقبلة تكتسي أهمية كبيرة، وخاصة لجهة قياس حجم القوى السياسية، ومدى تمثيلها لشارعها. إنما القول بأن هذه الإنتخابات، بحدّ ذاتها، ستقرر مصير الأوضاع في لبنان برمتها، ففيه الكثير من التضخيم والتهويل، ويقع ضمن الدعاية للحملة الإنتخابية التي لم تفتتح رسمياً بعد (إلاّ من خلال الخدمات وتزفيت الطرقات التي تنشط مع كل إقتراب لموعد الإقتراع) !
إن نتائج الإنتخابات النيابية المقبلة في لبنان هي شبه محددة مسبقاً من يوم إقرار قانون العام 1960، في مؤتمر الدوحة، ومن ثم في المجلس النيابي. فهذا القانون الذي يحدّد القضاء دائرة إنتخابية ويعتمد النظام الأكثري في التمثيل، لن يحمل على الأرجح تبدّلات دراماتيكية في الإنتخابات، كما تشير أكثر الدراسات. والغلبة الطائفية والسياسية في أكثر الدوائر الإنتخابية ستعيد إنتاج معظم الطاقم السياسي القائم، مع بعض الرتوش والتغييرات الطفيفة. وإعادة تشكيل الأكثرية والأقلية ستحدده بضعة مقاعد جلّها في الدوائر المسيحية .
ومهما تكن نتائج الإنتخابات، فإن الطابع الطائفي للتوازن الإنتخابي وما يسمّى بالديمقراطية التوافقية، كفيل بشطب مفاعيل النتائج بين أكثرية وأقلية، كما حصل في السابق. كما أن التفكك والإنقسام السياسي الداخلي على أساس طائفي، والصراع حول موقع لبنان ودوره في المنطقة، وتوازن القوى فيه واندماجها بمحاور الصراع الخارجي، جميعها تجعل من الإنتخابات النيابية المقبلة محدودة التأثير في تقرير مصير الأوضاع في لبنان. وهذا ما رأيناه بعد نتائج إنتخابات 2005 .
إن التوازن الدولي والإقليمي حول لبنان، في ظل ظروف الإنقسام الداخلي التي يعيشها، هو الذي سيقرر فعلياً مصير الأوضاع في لبنان. أما وظيفة الإنتخابات النيابية المقبلة ونتائجها، فهي تحديد الأحجام، التي تتم على أساسها المحاصصة، وإستقبال نتائج التوازن الدولي والإقليمي، وتوظيفها داخلياً والإستقواء بها. من هنا تترقب القوى السياسية اللبنانية التطورات والمتغيرات الخارجية بصفتها العامل المرجّح لمسار الأوضاع في لبنان.

إن القوى الديمقراطية والعلمانية لا يمكن لها أن تدير ظهرها للإنتخابات النيابية، رغم ما يعتري الأخيرة من تشوّهات في القانون الذي تجري على أساسه، وعلى الأخصّ في عدم إعتماد النسبية. وهي لا يمكن لها الاّ أن تكون الى جانب الداعين لإستقلال لبنان. على أن يترافق انخراطها في المعركة الانتخابية مع طرحها الصريح لبنود البرنامج الإصلاحي المطلوب لبناء الدولة الحديثة، وتنظيمها الحملات الإعلامية لإيصال هذا البرنامج الى الناس، إن على الصعد السياسية أو الإدارية أو القضائية أو الاقتصادية، بهدف إخراج المؤسسات من منطق المحاصصة الطائفية الى منطق المدنية والديمقراطية المواطنية.

Monday, November 17, 2008

From Algeria to Costa Rica: A journey with Palestine

By Wael Abdelraheem


Costa Rica is a Central American country bordered by Nicaragua from the north and by Panama from the south. The Caribbean Sea lies to its East, leaving its western borders to the pacific. Its national language is Spanish. Although this country is very remote from our Arab world and barely makes the headlines, except during football world finals, it took an unprecedented step in February 2008, which I struggle to explain! The Government, presided by the Nobel Prize winner Oscar Arias Sanches, recognised the Palestinian state and initiated diplomatic relations despite angry Israeli opposition. Hence Costa Rica joined 105 other countries, mostly ones that used to be in the socialist camp, that have recognised the Palestinian state since it was declared by the late Palestinian president Yasser Arafat on the 15th of November 1988.

I really do not know what pushed the government officials to recognise a state that does not exist. May be they have not heard of the Oslo Agreements which set the base for the “Palestinian Interim Self-Government Authority” in the West bank and Gaza. Nor did they hear of the Israeli objections to this agreement enacted through the dismantling of the Palestinian authority apparatus, the creation of new settlements and erection of the Separation Wall.



Let us go back in history to Algeria in the autumn of 1988, in the midst of the first Intifada, to the National Palestinian Council meeting attended by the majority of resistance leaders after the stone throwers forced unity upon them. At this meeting the late Arafat stood on the podium and declared the independence of the state of Palestine. I would like to seize the opportunity to quote from a section of the independence declaration which I find very important:

"The State of Palestine is the state of Palestinians wherever they may be. The state is for them to enjoy in it their collective national and cultural identity, theirs to pursue in it a complete equality of rights. In it will be safeguarded their political and religious convictions and their human dignity by means of a parliamentary democratic system of governance, itself based on freedom of expression and the freedom to form parties. The rights of minorities will duly be respected by the majority, as minorities must abide by decisions of the majority. Governance will be based on principles of social justice, equality and non-discrimination in public rights of men or women, on grounds of race, religion, color or sex, under the aegis of a constitution which ensures the rule of law and an independent judiciary. Thus shall these principles allow no departure from Palestine’s age-old spiritual and civilisational heritage of tolerance and religious coexistence”.

This declaration crowned decades of armed national resistance, and long years of tiresome fighting which the "Fedaiyeen" embarked on. It also consecrated the revolutionary heritage embodied in the literature of the Palestinian struggle in general, and in the stated goals of the resistance which merges national freedom and personal freedom.
The Palestinian state which was declared in Algeria would be a democratic state, a state of freedom, a state of women rights, and equity among all its citizens, a secular state and not a religious one.
The declaration was written by the late poet Mahmoud Darwish at the time a member of the PLO’s executive committee using carefully chosen words. It came to assure us that the Palestinian revolution although it dropped its claim over the entire territory of historic Palestine was not willing to compromise on its democratic and liberationist essence.

Today, I can only say that the Palestinian issue is alive. It still embodies a lasting struggle between the urge for liberation and tyranny in all its forms. I say that regardless of everything that happened and is still happening in Palestine:

The two states solution becoming unconvincing in the shadow of Israeli vaunting and International silence. 

The fratricide slaughtering taking place between Palestinians. 

Fateh is no longer Fateh and the PLO is no longer the PLO.

Hamas using money from sources in Iran and the Gulf to change the nature of the conflict in contradiction to the spirit of the declaration: Palestine is a young secular democratic country.

The haste of "moderate Arab countries" to end the struggle, which is as disgraceful as the phony and impudent statements of the ‘Arc of Resistance’.

The repeated mistakes committed by the Palestinian revolution and its leadership leading to the current stalemate.

I say that the historical necessity of the slogan of a democratic Secular independent Palestine imposes itself because only it can exhaust the occupant and terrify the Arab tyrants. Because a free Palestine means a free Lebanon and a free Syria as well as a free Egypt etc. It also means freeing the Jews from the captivity of their racism. Finally it will allow the world redemption for having allowed and orchestrated a Century of injustice towards the Palestinian people.

I can only thank, in the memory of the late Arafat and the fallen martyrs, the free people around the world and the 105 governments that recognized the state over the years. a special salute to Costa Rica which alone reminded us this year that we did declare independence 10 years ago in Algeria.

Thursday, November 13, 2008

Discrimination Against Moderate Muslims in Europe

By Bachir Habib


The Centre for Social Cohesion in Britain suggested in a report (click here to access Full Report) published this week that European governments are not doing enough to safeguard freedom of speech for Muslim reformers living in the West and facing threats from extremists.
In its report, the British think tank highlights the case of 27 writers and artists including Salman Rushdie (author of The Satanic Verses) and Maryam Namazie, (founder of the Council of Ex-Muslims in Britain).
The report recommends that European governments should "promote greater religious and social harmony by demonstrating that they see Muslims and those of Muslim background as complete citizens, neither restricted in their freedoms nor unduly permitted to issue threats against others".
This report will not make the headlines less than a week after the American elections and with the amplification of the economic crisis and its repercussions in Europe.
There is however a number of interesting questions timidly raised by the Centre for Social Cohesion. While admitting that European Governments do not treat their citizens equally, the report implicitly accuses them of discrimination against those who aspire to a new citizenship. In most cases and specifically when it comes to intellectuals and artists coming to Europe from Muslim countries, the request for a new citizenship is based on threats and general lack of tolerance they experienced in their country of origin.
But unfortunately, living in Europe does not prevent the anger of Muslim radicals and their fatwas against the moderate and reformist free minds. Salman Rushdie, Maryam Namazie and pop singer Deepika "Deeyah"* are few known examples. But how many others like them are intimidated and refuse to speak their minds to avoid being at risk. It is sad to see modern progressive Muslim minds going into “hibernation mode” when there is vital need for their vibrant presence.
On the other hand, the origin of the threat against moderates comes equally from another category of Muslim citizens in the West, who deserve to be openly called, and without any shame, parasites. By that I mean those who can combine benefiting from a European lifestyle with celebrating the 9/11 attacks**.
Those parasites are the most dangerous threat to moderates, for they benefit from the system hosting them and work to destroy it at the same time, while dreaming, for example, of a day when Britain will be governed by the Islamic Sharia law.
Those who show extreme ingratitude to their host societies are the same ones who intimidate their fellow Muslim moderates. They threaten them by playing watchdogs for the radical regimes abroad. And it is interesting here to mention how, for decades, many Arab and Islamic dictatorships have been obsessed with cleaning their societies from any modern alternative to their power or any reformist wind of change. And the Arab invention of “Hereditary Republics” proves how successful the cleaning process was for decades.
Finally, the Centre of Cohesion report has done well calling for European governments to safeguard freedom of speech for Muslim reformers. But it raises equally an interesting dilemma regarding how the governments can guarantee freedom of speech and belief to all their Muslim citizens, while helping the moderate voices within Islam in their struggle to be heard.

* Norwegian pop star of Afghan and Pakistini origin, who said she had been threatened, spat at and attacked with pepper spray after a video showed her removing a burka to reveal a bikini.
**http://switch3.castup.net/cunet/gm.asp?ai=214&ar=1859wmv&ak=null

Wednesday, November 12, 2008

No Frontiers: The Birth of Independent Activism at AUB

By Joseph El-Khoury


The story of No Frontiers (NF) goes back to November 1997. The year had been dominated by a Rafik Hariri strengthened by his Syrian allies. Disillusioned by the lack of secular alternatives to the ultra-liberal bulldozer and in anticipation of the yearly student elections at the American University of Beirut, a small group of students from various left-wing backgrounds held a meeting outside the building hosting the canteen. Present were representative of two disparate groups. The first group had been active, mostly in the cultural and ideological spheres, under the Arabic Heritage Club and the Human Rights abnd Peace Club. They broadly defined themselves as Arab Nationalists with strong Leftist influence. Their membership consisted mostly of graduate students of various Arab nationalities.
The second group had no structural presence but made of individuals who had met under the umbrella of the short lived Democratic Left Movement (HYD). This early youthful version of the current political party led by MP Elias Atallah was primarily made up of offsprings of members of well-established leftist organisations such as the Lebanese Communist Party and the Organisation of Communist Action in Lebanon (OACL-French Acronym), its membership consisted of essentially middle Class students attending various Private Universities. In effect it disbanded a few months following its inception brought down by inexperience and internal rivalries.
Through personal connections and the common realisation that the time was right for a return of the left to the mainstream of student politics, the two groups joined hands under the list No-Frontiers. The name was the fruit of a lengthy brainstorming session and was chosen for its association with Internationalist themes but also in a broader sense Freedom and Human Rights. The deadline was looming and the No Frontiers list could only field a few candidates. As the campaigned gathered momentum electoral and post electoral alliances were forged with a number of independent candidates who shared at least party the political or social vision of the group at university level or beyond. No Frontiers received significant exposure in the written press, due to the novelty of an independent group with its roots solidly implanted in student life but nonetheless with a political outlook. Some found the concept mildly amusing while others expressed scepticism that the left had anything to offer following the demise of the Soviet Block.
Criticism extended to the personality of the members and their supposed undeclared links to various political figures and organisations. Very little was noted about the policies and ideas put forward in its pamphlets. From the onset No Frontiers did not identify its foes, and kept an open mind on possible collaboration or at least frank discussions with other lists. it was other political movements who positioned themselves as opponents, either for ideological reasons or as in the case of the ‘People’s Movement’ of MP Najah Wakim because of the threat posed by the new group to the hegemony they shared with Hezbollah over student life at the university. The Future Movement, strengthened by its loyalist position and the financial clout of then Prime Minister Hariri adopted a more neutral approach, probably hoping that it would play in its favour in its battle with its arch-enemies (Wakim-Hezbollah).
The List was revealed, among others, at a traditional pre-elections rally in the AUB Canteen and the announcement that the Left had returned to AUB’ in reference to the heydays of the 60s and 70s was welcomed by many. The Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) of Waleed Joumblatt, which influenced a large section of the Druze electorate, offered their unqualified support. The Christian parties such as the the Lebanese Patriotic Movement (FPM) of General Aoun and the Lebanese Forces (LF) remained unconcerned by these developments as they concentrated their efforts on the Faculty of Engineering. The day of the elections was a very exciting time for the supporters of the NF list and despite the listed candidates mostly suffering defeats with extremely narrow margins the feeling that this was the beginning of a new era dominated dominating. Associate candidates did make some gains and played a pivotal role in the elections to the higher student council (USFC) which allowed the group to influence decisions with direct impact on student life. But in general the leading members of NF, whose membership in early 1998 was of 40-50 students from both sexes, focused their efforts on structuring the group, maintaining regular attendance (the meetings were held after 5pm in the rooms of Nicely hall, forging alliances with similar groups at other universities (Tanios Chahine at USJ, Pablo Neruda at LAU and MADS at NDU), organising cultural activities and opposing policies by various peaceful and legal means at the university and in connection with the labour and secular opposition movements.

Memorable highlights from that year remain:



-The Photography exhibition of black and white images dating from the Lebanese civil war. This was faced with initial resistance from the University and other parties but drew the crowds in. A member of NF was told in a radio interview that ‘we were trying to bring the war back to the minds of the Lebanese’. Censorship was also on the agenda as any reference to Syria was actively discouraged.

-The sit-in at AUB in collaboration with ‘People’s movement’ supporters against the Hariri law limiting news broadcasts

-Co-organising a concert by the singer Marcel Khalife at the Beirut Theatre in Ain-El-Mraise.

-Co-organising a March and vigil at the martyr’s cemetery in memory of the Sabra and Shatila massacres of 1982.

-Taking parts in various national demonstrations on the streets of Beirut.

-NF representatives invited to take part in a TV debate between a selection of students and Prime Minister Hariri at his residence in Kraytem.

-Leading the student movement in opposition to the increase in fees at AUB. The movement which was unusually supported by the majority of political movements at the University disrupted classes and exams for up to one week. It was terminated following external political pressures and negotiations with University authorities.

-The summer camp in Qornayel with sister organisations.

The end of the academic term came in July 1998 and those behind the creation of NF faced a dilemma as they prepared to graduate. The question was how best to maintain links with the university based group without damaging the chances that the following generations would enjoy the same independence that had characterized the group so far. An attempt was made to unite the various university groups under one banner with links to a graduate group. Suspicion and mistrust dominated the debates, with elements and the motion was defeated. As time ran out a graduate group formed nonetheless soon afterwards. As they failed to replicate the NF model their experience was short-lived and acrimonious. Those graduates who maintained their links did so on a personal basis. Eleven years later, NF continues to inspire and provide a reassuring framework for independent thinking at AUB.

Monday, November 10, 2008

Israelis do it Again: Golani Brigade Soldiers Abuse Blindfolded Palestinian

We have chosen to embed this video showing Israeli soldiers from the Golani Brigade abusing a blindfolded Palestinian. A few months ago, it was a Palestinian amateur who captured a scene of an Israeli soldier firing a rubber bullet at a blindfolded Palestinian. The Israeli army is now investigating this new video, the same way it investigated the first one. The outcome of the rubber bullet case investigation was even more outrageous than the incident itself: the Israeli officer who gave the order to fire on the blindfolded Palestinian has been suspended for…10 days.
The same outcome is expected in the Golani abuse case. But what is not expected is to see an end to abuse soon. We finally take the opportunity to remind of other episodes of abuse against Palestinians perpetrated by Israeli settlers, which remain unpunished. As if the olives harvest season has sadly become a ritual of violence, not worth any investigation!

Arabdemocracy


Wednesday, November 5, 2008

Obama vs.Osama

By Joseph El Khoury


In a cold cave somewhere in the rugged mountains of the Pakistani-Afghan border, a group of bearded men stare at their Battery powered TV screens with obvious signs of disappointment. Jihad suddenly got tougher! The Bush-Cheney tandem, with which they shared an obsession for world domination and a weakness for guns, will be missed. In their place emerges a peculiar coalition of liberals, moderates and pragmatists led by a Black man called Barack Hussein Obama. The rhetoric will have to evolve and the slogans refined to adapt to the scenery.
Osama Ben Laden will have to restyle himself to avoid that too many Muslim kids turn to Obama for inspiration. If a Black man can become the most powerful on Earth why can’t we dream of a day that an individual from Arab stock can achieve a similar position, and by peaceful means?

Against all odds, America has shown that it is capable of changing course and chastising those who dragged it, and the world, into a failed ‘war on terror’ that was no less bloody and destructive than the ‘war of terror’ declared by Ben Laden and co. There is no reason to believe that Mr Obama will be less hawkish in Afghanistan or less pro-Israeli in Palestine. He has made it clear all along this campaign and is unlikely to change course with the eyes of Conservative Americans (McCain’s share of the popular vote was 46%) scrutinising his every move with distrust. The policy changes will most likely affect Iraq and the relations with Iran, both areas where the Al-Qaeda influence is in retreat. The bearded men will dig deep and rewrite their discourse as their motivation was never to reason the US or bring it to adopt a fair approach to the problems affecting Arabs and Muslims. Theirs is a fight in the name of an Ultra-Orthodox version of one religion among many and by definition can only end with their annihilation as a project.
In the meantime I suspect we will be hearing from them, whether through another Ayman Al-Zawahiri video or attacks on soft targets across the world. They will remind us that while once totalitarian project has been defeated another one still lurks in the shadow.
The Neo-Conservatives were defeated at the hands of the American people and it is hoped that the change in US administration will convince Muslim societies that bearded men in caves are no way to build a future.

Monday, November 3, 2008

US Elections and the Vacuum Abroad

By Bachir Habib

The US presidential elections taking place on Tuesday are the major political event closing the year. On the interior American front, there will be a real political change no matter who will win. However, in the event of an Obama victory change will definitely be more radical.
The outcome of the elections will also be reflected outside the United States and shape in many ways the international political scene. We are then witnessing an election that will bring to power an Administration that will redefine the image of Washington. The Middle East and its issues will be the first affected. This has aroused the interest of the Arab media and press in these elections with extensive special coverage of the campaign.
From being at the heart of both campaigns in the early days, the Middle East has taken a step back and been replaced by the economy, especially since the financial and economic crisis took a turn to the worse.
The three main Middle Eastern fundamental questions on hold since late summer are: The Iraqi question, US – Iranian relations and the Peace process (equally waiting for the outcome of the Israeli general elections expected early next year).
The political actors in the region are not wasting time; they are preparing their files and studying the options for the new phase ahead. The ideological Bush Administration is leaving and being replaced by pragmatics from both ends of the spectrum.
Syria who has very carefully managed indirect talks with Israel has already declared that there will be no direct US sponsored talks with Tel Aviv as long as Bush is in power.
Iraq is holding its breath. In Baghdad, despite a positive attitude toward having a Democrat in the White House and the promise of a prompt pullout from Iraq, there is fear in some political spheres regarding the future, certainly with a personality like Joe Biden as Vice President (Cf Biden’s Plan for Iraq)*.
On the Iranian side, where many improvements have been noticed lately regarding Washington – Teheran relations, there’s a “wait and see” strategy operating, but Teheran is holding its cards strongly. The two main cards being the Iraqi one (where the future of the US-Iraqi security agreement resides) and the nuclear one; both inextricably linked due to successful Iranian tactics.
Finally, however important this election is for the Middle East, it will probably herald a temporary vacuum in the Region while the new administration is investigated and approved by the parliamentary commissions. This period may take a year or even more, but will be hopefully followed by a new era characterized by less tension, less violence and well thought through policies based on pragmatic calculations of political interests.
But violence is always an option to all involved in this turbulent region, essentially when the political process fails to serve strategic and national interests.

*http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/08/23/AR2006082301419.html
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/05/01/opinion/01biden.html

Saturday, November 1, 2008

الحزب الشيوعي اللبناني: 84 عاما وشيخوخة مبكرة

وائل عبد الرحيم


لا أدّعي أنني انتميت بشكل جدّي إلى الحزب الشيوعي اللبناني رغم أن اسمي ورد مرتين على الأقل في سجلاته، مرة حين انتسبت، ومرة حينما أقرّ المكتب السياسي توصية المجلس الوطني بفصل مجموعة من "الرفاق".
لن أجادل لا في صحة قرار الانتساب، ولا في صحة قرار الفصل، ففي ذلك سياقات معقّدة لا يهمّ قرّاء "ديمقراطية عربية" الاطلاع عليها، وربما كان بعض الرفاق أقدر على الخوض فيها.
جلّ ما أقوله في تقييمي للحالتين هو كلمة لاختصار الجدل في الموضوع او تأجيله.. كنا اولاداًً! (وهذا لا يعفيني من ضرورة التقييم الشخصي للتجربة).
لكنني الآن، وفي عيد تأسيس الحزب الرابع والثمانين، وعلى الرغم من انني لم أعتبر نفسي "شيوعياً لبنانياً" بالمعنى الحزبي (ما خلا أشهر الانتساب القليلة في التسعينيات)، أودّ أن أسوق جملة من الخواطر.
وأسميها خواطر لأنها مزيج من اسئلة وتساؤلات وملاحظات، وقطعاً ليست تقييماً علمياً موثقاً.
بداية، لا بدّ من التوقف أمام واقع الحزب اليوم في الحياة السياسية اللبنانية:
بعد دور رئيسي لعبه الحزب في "الوثبة الثورية" في السبعينيات، وفي الحرب الأهلية، وفي دعم الثورة الفلسطينية، وفي إطلاق المقاومة الوطنية اللبنانية ضد الاحتلال الإسرائيلي مطلع الثمانينيات، ها هو يلعب اليوم على هامش الصراعات. فلا هو اساسي أبداً، ولا هو فاعل في تقرير مصير أي شيء، وكل ما يحدث لا علاقة للحزب به لا تأثيراً ولا ربما تأثّراً بالمعنى الحقيقي.
يصطفّ الحزب الشيوعي في موقع رمادي متسلحاً بمبدئيته العلمانية ليرفض "كل ما صار ويصير"، وليلقي كل قذارة السياسة اللبنانية على الموروث من "النظام الطائفي العفن"، ويلقي "عظة الأحد" المتكررة عن وجوب تغيير هذا النظام، مع تسجيل نقطة جوهرية لمن يهمه الأمر: هذا حزب المقاومة لا يمكن أن يقف ضد المقاومة يوماً ولن يفعل.
جميل. بناء على هذا الموقف الحزبي "المتميز" يحلو للبعض من تحالف 14 آذار ان يتّهموه بالاصطفاف إلى جانب "8 آذار"، في حين أن الأعقل والأذكى يختارون تجاهله تماماً طالما ان تأثيره لا يطالهم... أما جماعة 8 آذار فلا يتحملون وجوده في مناطق نفوذهم ولو كان هذا الوجود مدافن لشهدائه في جبهة المقاومة الوطنية اللبنانية.
انا مع الحزب الشيوعي اللبناني في أن الموروث الطائفي للبنان سبب رئيسي للعديد من الأزمات. انا معه في مواقفه المبدئية رفضاً للتقاتل الأهلي المسلح ومع مناداته بإدخال النسبية إلى قانون الانتخاب وتطبيق الشق الإصلاحي في وثيقة الوفاق الوطني "الطائف".
أنا معه في عدم جواز انجرار لبنان إلى معادلة الحياد الغبية في الصراع العربي الإسرائيلي.
ولكن من حقي، كمواطن لبناني غير مصاب بعقدة الاستحياء من الحزب وتاريخه (لكي لا ننسى أن عدداً كبيراً من مثقفي الإعلام المرئي والمسموع والمطبوع، هم من خريجي الحزب لكنهم يشطبون تاريخهم خجلاً)، من حقي كمواطن لبناني ان أسأل لماذا يغيب عن الحزب الشيوعي اللبناني الكثير من الوضوح في موقفه تجاه جملة من القضايا سأعدّد ثلاثاً أبرزها:
اولا، موقفه من الاغتيال السياسي: ليس من حقّ الحزب أن يغيّب الاتهام السياسي في التعاطي مع الاغتيالات، ليس من حقّه ولا من عاداته أبداً أن يلقي بهذا العبء على قضاء ما. الاغتيالات التي هزّت لبنان في مرحلة السلم الأهلي بدءاً باغتيال رفيق الحريري مروراً باغتيال جورج حاوي وغيرهما، تستحق من الحزب بما توفّرت له من معطيات تحليلية ومعلومات سرية أو علنية أن يوّجه أصابع الاتهام إلى القاتل. كان عليه أن يفعل ذلك مهما كلفه الأمر من تضحيات وان لا يمارس اللعبة السخيفة بتجهيل القاتل، حتى لو اختلفنا مع القتيل، لأن المستهدف هو السلم الأهلي وهو ما يستحق الدفاع عنه بجرأة. كان على الحزب ان يتهم النظام السوري بالقتل لأن النظام السوري هو القاتل وقادة الحزب يعرفون ذلك تماماً.
الأمر الثاني الذي يحتاج إلى التوضيح بل وإلى كثير من التوضيح لدى الحزب: هو موقفه من الاحتكام إلى السلاح في الصراع الداخلي. فإذا كان بعض "عيال" 14 آذار أحبوا أن يمتلكوا بضعة بنادق في شركاتهم الأمنية، إلا أن ذلك لا يرتقي البتة إلى ما أقدم عليه "عقلاء" حزب الله بزجهم البلاد كلها في اتون المذبحة المعنوية في 7 أيار، وتوجيه سلاحهم إلى الداخل في ما لا يقلّ عن محاولة انقلاب واضحة.
وكان على الحزب أن يكون اكثر وضوحاً ليس تجاه "الممارسات" في 7 أيار فحسب (ليته تحدث عن الممارسات خلال حرب الجبل 83)، بل تجاه الفعل بحدّ ذاته. فهذا الفعل حتى لو كان نظيفاً من أي نقطة دم هو جريمة كاملة، لم يجرّمها الحزب الشيوعي بالكامل.
الأمر الثالث الذي أودّ التوقف عنده أيضاً هو موقف الحزب من الوكالة الإقليمية المعطاة لحزب الله بإبقاء لبنان ساحة الحرب المفتوحة ضد إسرائيل: لست ادري، مع تبدل المعطيات، ما الذي اختلف في موقف الحزب الشيوعي من نظريات حروب التحرير الشعبية التي سادت بعد هزيمة 1967، وكيف بعدما كان نقدياً تجاهها على المستوى الفكري خاصة، اصبح يحبّذ وجود جيش حزب الله كمنظمة حرب ضد إسرائيل بالنيابة عن الأمة الإسلامية كلها (!) وكل من يجرؤ على طرح الأسئلة المعقولة عن جدوى هذا الوجود ومخاطره على الكيان اللبناني بات خائناً. هل يعتبر الحزب الشيوعي ان حزب الله هو منظمة انصار خفيفة التسلح تأسّست وبقيت لحماية الحدود من الإسرائيلي؟
لماذا يغضّ الحزب الشيوعي النظر عن أن بناء الدولة اللبنانية يقتضي قطعاً نقاشاً فعلياً حول دور حزب الله كمنظمة عسكرية، وانفراده بقرار الحرب والسلم، والأخطر من كل ذلك الضرر الكبير الذي يلحقه وجوده المسلح الضخم بوحدة لبنان...
هذه بعض من أسئلة وملاحظات ليس على الحزب أن يجيب عنها، إلا أنها إجابة مختصرة عن سؤال مهم بأهمية عمر هذا الحزب عظيم التاريخ والأثر، لماذا الشيوعيون في لبنان غائبون عن الحياة السياسية.
طبعاً لا تختصر هذه الملاحظات كل الإجابة، ولا تقود أبداً إلى اعتبار ان الحزب لم يعد لديه سبب للبقاء، ولكنها برأيي تشير إلى أنه ليس الحصان الذي يمكن الرهان عليه لإصلاح لبنان ولبناء دولته الديمقراطية... في الوقت الراهن على الأقل.